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:piiocEEDi]sras 

OF A 

MEETn^G OP CITIZENS 

OF :n^ew-yoek, 

TO EXPRESS SYMPATHY AND RESPECT FOR THE * 

MEXICAN EEPUBLICAI EXILES. 



Seld at Cooper Institute, July 19, 1865. 






WITH AK APPEI^DIX, 



CONTAINING THE 



Speeches of the Hon. MATIAS BOMBRO, Envoy Extraordinary and 

Minister Plenipotentiary of the Mexican Eepublic in the United 

States, at two Banquets previously given in New- York. 




JOHN A. GRAY & GREEN, PRINTERS, 16 & 18 JACOB STREET. 



1865. 



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PREFACE. 



A NUMBER of Mexicans, who had been driven from their country 
in consequence of its invasion by a French army, and the usurpa- 
tion of the government by the Austrian Archduke Maximilian, 
having taken refuge in New-York, it was proposed by some of 
our citizens to show them an expression of public respect and 
sympathy, and to request them to make known such facts respect- 
ing their country and people as they might wish to communicate. 
An invitation was therefore given to the Mexican Patriot Club, 
consisting of about forty members, and comprising a number of 
men eminent for their characters, offices, and services in the state 
and the army, to which they acceded, appointing four of their 
orators to prepare addresses. 

The meeting was held on the nineteenth of July, at Cooper In- 
stitute. The Mexican flag was placed on the left ; the Stars and 
Stripes having been planted on the right. 

The chair was occupied by the Rev. Joshua Leavitt, who had 
early taken a prominent position as an energetic advocate of the 
Republican cause in Mexico, by his able pamphlet on The, Mon- 
roe Doctrine^ and his public lectures on the same subject. 

He invited the members of the United Service Society to take 
seats on the stage, and then introduced the honored guests of the 
evening, the Mexican Patriot Exiles. 

Many things concurred to give a peculiar interest to the meet- 
ing. It was the first of the kind ever held. Never before had 
the true representatives of any of the Spanish American republics 
appeared before an assemblage of the citizens of the United States, 
to receive a fraternal welcome as acknowledged members of the 
general American brotherhood. Never before had worthy mem- 
bers of any family of the Spanish race had an opportunity to tell 
their wants, wishes, fears, and hopes to an audience of our coun- 
trymen. The patriots of Mexico, like those of our other sister re- 



4 

publics of the "Western Continent, had been struggling nobly for 
half a century for such rights as we enjoy, desiring to be under- 
stood and appreciated by us, but steadily opposed by their open 
and secret enemies, by misrepresentations, slanders, and calumnies 
of every kind, often through the channel of our own press. Hence 
it had been imi)ossible to enlist the feelings of our public for them 
or their cause, because there were no means aiforded of correct 
information. Those who projected the meeting, designed it for 
the purpose of overcoming the obstacles which had been placed 
between Anglo-Saxon republicans and those of the Sjjanish race. 
The experiment proved successful. Those who saw the distin- 
guished and noble patriot band assembled that evening under the 
Mexican banner, will never believe that they have in any sense 
lost the high physical qualities ascribed to their Spanish ancestoi'S ; 
and those who read their addresses, even with all the disadvan- 
tages of a translation, must assign their authors a rank among the 
best writers in our own language, for eloquence and force of ex- 
pression, and, what is of more importance, for pui'e republican 
princiiiles and patriotic sentiments. Some among our own coun- 
trymen may indeed be justly reproved, by the clear exhibition 
which they make, of sound American views, and energetic resolu- 
tion, to sustain, to the last extremity, the cause of national inde- 
pendence and republican institutions, against the impudent and 
hypocritical intrusion of a foreign usur2:)er and despot, ultimately 
aiming to undermine our own institutions and to subvert our 
liberties. Well may the indolent, the short-sighted, and the 
timid among us blush at the spectacle of the Mexicans keeping 
the gates of our Thermopyla?, with undaunted courage and alone ! 
The Mexican Republican struggle is doubly commended to the 
sympathies of the people of the United States, by its involving 
both civil and religious liberty, which are universally known and 
admitted by us to be essentially, vitally, connected with repub- 
lican freedom. Louis Napoleon, after destroying two republics 
in the old world — those of France and Kome — under hypocritical 
pretences and by false-hearted proceedings, in his audacious but 
insidious attempt against the liberties of the Western Continent, 
lias attempted, through his imbecile tool Maximilian, to practise 
new deceptions on the world, by restoring the old Papal system 
in Mexico, while pretending to favor religious liberty, and sweep- 
ing away the Lancastrian schools, which have been in successful 
operation for thirty years in Mexico, under lay teachers, to m^ke 



the stupid priests again the only instructors, who have stultified 
mankind, wherever they have had the control, for a thousand 
years. 

The history of the struggles of Mexico against temporal and 
spiritual tyranny will be one of the most interesting of modern 
times ; and will be highly appreciated, not only by the descend- 
ants of the New-England Pilgrims and of the Republicans of PIol- 
land ; but by the friends of freedom throughout the world. 

[The addresses had all been translated into English. That of 
Senor Zarco was read by himself; those of Senor Rivera-y-Rio 
and Colonel Balbontin by Dr. Leavitt, and that of Senor Villa- 
lobos was delivered by him in Spanish, the translation having 
been printed, and distributed among the audience. The reader is 
referred to the last pages of this pamphlet, for the names, titles, 
etc., of the members of the Mexican Club.] 



THE PROCEEDINGS 



SPEECH OF DR. LEAVITT. 

De. Leatitt, on taking the cliair, opened the meeting with 
some remarks explanatory of its object and occasion. We 
have met, he said, for the i^nrpose of testif^ang, on behalf of 
the people of the United States, our respect and sympathy for 
our fellow-republicans, citizens of our nearest neighboring 
country, the Eepublic of Mexico, many of them exiles for 
their fidelity to their country's cause. We are happy to meet 
with so large and respectable a delegation, and to assure them 
of our deep sympathy with them and their afflicted and in- 
jured country. The Republic of Mexico has been unjustly 
invaded by the combined powers of Europe. They were not 
all indeed openly engaged in the coalition. But there were 
many reasons for charging that they all sympathized with the 
invasion, with the exception of Russia and Switzerland, so evi- 
dently as to show that they considered the invasion to be made 
on behalf of them all, for a cause in which they felt the im- 
pulses of a common interest. This invasion, he said, was made 
for reasons alleged, which would not justify it, if they had been 
true ; but as they were not true, it was done under false pre- 
tences, and its real objects made it still more atrocious. ISTot 
only the time at which it was made, when our hands were 
supposed to be tied by the great rebellion, but there were a 
multitude of co-incidences, too remarkable to be accidental, go- 
inff to show that both the invasion and the rebellion were parts 
of one grand conspiracy of the upholders of absolutism in Eu- 
rope and the upholders of slavery in the United States, to make 
common cause and strike a united blow against republican 



liberty on the American continent, in the hope of rendering 
arbitrary power more secure in both hemispheres. 

The blow which struck down the Republic of Mexico was 
aimed at the life of the Imperial Republic of the I^orth, "We 
om-selves have happily escaped the blow. A wonderful pro- 
vidence has rescued us from the threatened destruction. But 
our neighbors have felt its full weight. They stand in our 
place. They are suffering on our account far more than for 
their own. It is not in the nature of the American people to 
see this with indiiference. They are not now looking at it 
with indifference, but with the deepest interest and the most 
profound emotions. They will not act rashly or unlawfully, 
or in any manner unbecoming a great nation. But their for- 
bearance is in no respect to be ascribed to indifference. 

Attempts are made, of late, in various quarters and through 
various channels, in tJie interest of France^ to persuade the 
people of the United States that they have no interest in the 
Mexican Republic, and that it is most for their interest to 
have things as they are, with Maximilian on the throne in 
Mexico, sustained by foreign bayonets and foreign subsidies, 
without which the bastard empire could not live a month. 
He would tell all these parties that they would lose then* labor, 
and shed their ink and spoil their paper to no purpose, for the 
simple reason that the people of the United States are not in 
the interest of France. Thank God for that. They are not 
partisans of any European power or of any European interest, 
but they are devoted to the preservation of republican liberty 
and independence on this western continent, according to the 
doctrine and the practice of that great statesman and true pa- 
triot. President Mokeoe. 

Among these efforts in the interest of France, he held in his 
hand a pamphlet just received through the post-office, pur23ort- 
ing to have been written by " C. G. Thomson, Lima, JST. Y.," 
which attempts to show that things are better for us as they 
are, because Louis ll^apoleon has given to Mexico a stable gov- 
ernment, while the experience of fifty years has proved that 
the people of Mexico are not capable of governing themselves. 
To which he would answer, in the first place, that it is the 
very point yet to be proved, that the nominal government im- 



9 

posed upon Mexico by the armies of France is a stable gov- 
ernment. Things are not looking very stable in that quarter 
just at present. And as to the incapacity of the people of 
Mexico for self-government, he pointed to their representatives 
on the platform, and denied that such people are incapable of 
self-government. He affirmed that the people of Mexico had 
been under a process of education for republican freedom for 
fifty years, and that they had made great progress in intelli- 
gence, in patriotism, and in the power of self-control. They 
had shown this especially in the heroism and devotion with 
which they have maintained this long struggle against the 
overwhelming power of France, acting for all Europe. They 
have had one grand enemy to contend against, as w^e had one, 
in the existence of principles and institutions incompatible 
with republican liberty. These difficulties, in both countries, 
were planted by European powers, and were remains of our 
former colonial subjection. We have finally put down our 
internal enemy, and tlje people of Mexico have got their great 
enemy where they can take good care of him well enough, if 
they can only be let alone. We know that the only stable 
government possible in Mexico is the Eepublic. All Europe 
cannot maintain a monarchy in that country, as a stable gov- 
ernment. And he believed there would have been general 
peace and order all over the country long ago but for Euro- 
pean interference. 

The pamphlet maintains that the only alternative of the 
French rule in Mexico is for us to take the country ourselves, 
and that this is the real import of the Monroe Doctrine. The 
Chairman entirely rejected this interpretation of the Monroe 
Doctrine. The notion that the Monroe Doctrine meant the ab- 
sorption of one state and country after another, originated with 
slavery, and was now justly buried in the grave of its originat- 
or. The Monroe Doctrine, as it was set forth by Monroe and 
Adams forty years ago, was a doctrine of humanity, of benefi-. 
cence, and not of grasping selfishness. Its meaning, as it had 
always been held, and as it is still held by the body of the 
people of the United States, is this, that we make common 
cause and cherish a common sympathy with the American re- 
publics, and welcome them to the common platform of national 



10 

independence. America would be greater, stronger, and richer 
in proportion to the elevation of our sister Republic on the 
Bouth. The Chairman said that the meeting did not represent 
the Government of the United States in its executive adminis- 
tration, but he believed that the audience expressed the senti- 
ments of the people of this country, and expressed their earn- 
est desire that the Government at Washington would go to 
the extreme that law,\visdom, and justice allowed, to strengthen, 
restore, and advance the Republic of Mexico, In conclusion, 
he said that the gentlemen on the stage represented the Mexi- 
can Patriot Club of New-York, and the first speaker that 
would be introduced was the President of the Club, the Hon- 
orable Fkancisco Zaeco, late Minister of Relations of the 
Mexican Republic. 



SPEECH OF SEiXOR ZARCO. 

* 

Gentlemen : In coming from our unfortunate country, (for 
there never was a greater misfortune than a foreign yoke,) to 
avail ourselves of your generous hospitality, and to seek the 
shelter of your admirable institutions, we knew that you 
deeply sympathized in the heroic efforts of the Mexican people 
in the unequal contest which they are maintaining, not only 
in defence of their own independence and institutions, but 
also in defence of all American nationalities, which are 
threatened by European intervention. We knew that the 
people and Government of the United States comprehended 
that Mexico was resisting the most unjust, the most unexam- 
pled of aggressions, and that this nation, guided by the sound- 
est principles of justice, has refused to recognize the semblance 
of a monarchy supported by French bayonets. 

But we knew the conflict in which you were engaged to re- 
•fitore your glorious Union, to reestablish peace, to save your 
own institutions, to perfect them by effecting the total aboli- 
tion of slavery, and that until you should succeed in gaining 
those important objects, it would be impossible for you to fix 
your attention on foreign questions, how much soever they 
might interest your principles or your feelings. 



11 

We have followed with the liveliest anxiety the events of 
the past months ; we have rejoiced with all our hearts at your 
victories ; we have sincerely felicitated ourselves on seeing the 
Union restored, a stop put to the effusion of blood, and you 
again closely drawing the fraternal bonds with your misguided 
brethren. 

"We welcomed as a jubilee your glorious restoration, because 
it affects the future of universal freedom, and we have also 
recently mourned, as if it were our own, the great national 
loss which you have suffered at the moment of your triumph, 
as if liberty, in order to be more dear, always needs to be pur- 
chased by the blood of illustrious martyrs. 

And now, when the United States have recovered their 
peace, and when, after being proved by great calamities, they 
are more strong and powerful than ever, we feel the most sin- 
cere, the most ardent gratitude on seeing that the public spirit 
is fixed on the fate of Mexico, and that the press and the tribune 
express unceashigly their sympathy in favor of our country, 
and the hope that the cause of right and justice will triumph 
also in Mexico. These expressions of sympathy will not be 
sterile : they will bear to the defenders of Mexican independ 
ence a great moral force, the support of opinion ; they will 
reanimate them in their strength, and they will understand 
that a cause is not lost w^hich reclines on the cordial adhesion 
of the freest people on earth. 

Accept, gentlemen, the expression of our most sincere grat- 
itude, for this spontaneous and noble manifestation of your 
generous sentiments in favor of the Mexican Republic, and 
for the honor which you have conferred upon us by associat- 
ing us in it, witlif no better title on our part than that we are 
Mexicans, and possess republican principles. 

Entirely unknown to you, without any merit to claim your 
attention, I, as a Mexican, ought to limit myself to express- 
ing my eternal gratitude ; but I request your indulgence while 
I venture to submit to you a few remarks on the Mexican 
question, not to enlighten your judgment, but to show that 
the Mexican people are worthy of your sympathies, and those 
of all honorable men, who love justice and liberty. 

The Mexican question is clear and simple, how much soever 



12 

our enemies, tliat are yours too, have endeavored to obscure it, 
involving tlie facts in a cloud of falsehoods, calumnies, and 
misrepresentations. Can a nation, because it is strong, be- 
cause it has soldiers and cannon, change the institutions of an- 
other sovereign nation ? No ! vinanimously replies the con- 
science of every civilized people. This is the whole question 
which is now debated in Mexico, and, as you see, that people, 
by fighting against the foreigner, defends her most precious 
rights, is the champion of justice and liberty, and by resign- 
ing herself to the most painful sacrifices, grows great by her 
cruel martyrdom, as Poland, Hungary, and Italy have done, 
and does not show herself to be ungovernable and anarchical, 
by repelling the yoke of a foreign adventurer, brought in by 
foreigners, and upheld by foreign forces. 

Monarchy in Mexico is not the work of the national will, it 
has been imposed by violence and treason. The throne of the 
Austrian Archduke cannot sustain itself even a day, not even 
an hour, by national elements, and, to avoid overthrow, it re- 
quires the support of a foreign army ; and is condemned to an 
incessant and interminable conflict. 

I do not pretend to deny that a monarchical party exists in 
Mexico. It exists in truth, but it is so feeble, so impotent, so 
anti-national, so unpopular, that it is worth nothing by itself, 
and in order to realize its dreams, has been obliged to sell the 
country, to betray it, and to implore the yoke of a foreigner, 
to be chastised by the invaders themselves, who have not sat- 
isfied any of its aspirations. That party opposed independ- 
ence, and independence was conquered in spite of it. "When 
Mexico was once freed from Spanish domination, the monarchi- 
cal party wished to erect a throne ; and that throne was de- 
stroyed in seven months, by establishing by the national will 
the Federal Eepublic, with a Constitution very nearly like 
that of the United States. Ever since that time, the mon- 
archical party has been the element of disorder, and of the agi- 
tations of Mexico, has corrupted the army, has employed the 
treasures which the Church supplied in abundance, to support 
a fratricidal war ; and when sometimes it has been exalted to 
public power, it has implored intervention to carry into efiect 
its designs, knowing that the spnit of the people is always op- 



13 

posed to tliem. The tendencies of the monarchical party were 
always dashed by the national indignation, and that Jmrfrfwas 
ever careful to avoid the exposure of their principles. Thus 
when in 1845 the administration of General Paredes attempt- 
ed to establish a throne for a Spanish prince, that administra- 
tion existed only eleven months, although it relied on the s 
cret protection of several European powers ; and the men who 
were called to establish the throne, in an assembly of notables, 
disappeared from the political scene, proclaiming the same 
republican institutions which they had attempted to destroy. 
So when in 1855 the ominous dictatorship of General Santa 
Anna, erected on the ruins of liberty, renewed the monarchical 
attempts, a terrible popular revolution was raised against him, 
the tyrant fled in dismay, and the people reestablished once 
more the republican institutions, rapidly advancing in the 
path of progress, and overcoming with a strong hand all the 
obstacles which opposed the pubhc peace and the supremacy 
of the laws. 

From that revolution were born the Constitution of 1857, 
a monument which does honor to the advances of the human 
spirit ; the Juarez law,'which abolished the privileges of the 
clergy and the army, by making effective the perfect equality 
of the citizens ; the Leredo law, which devolved upon the na_ 
tion the wealth administered by the clergy, and by them em- 
ployed in subversive and armed commotions ; the Fuente law, 
which established absolute independence between the Church 
and State, and proclaimed the right of man to worship God 
according to the inspirations of his own conscience. 

"When the Constitution of 185Y was once promulgated, the 
retrograde party again disturbed public order, and took pos- 
session of the capital of the Republic ; but the institutions were, 
at that time, so well established already, that the soldiery and 
the clergy could not create even a government de facto j and 
in Queretaro, Guanajuato, Guadalajara, Colonia, and Vera 
Cruz the Constitutional Government continued to exist, as- 
sisted and sustained by the people, who finally, after various 
battles and splendid victories, restored the institutions in the 
capital, and once more frustrated the intrigues of the mon- 



14 

arcliical party, which had solicited the intervention of some 
nations of Europe. 

At the conunencement of that struggle it was that, in com- 
pliance with the duty which the Constitution devolved on him, 
Mr. Juarez was invested with the executive power, and he 
was afterward reelected by the freest will of liis countrymen. 
That illustrious citizen is still the supreme magistrate of the 
Mexican Republics, he who still holds aloft the banner of our 
independence, and who personifies the cause of right and just- 
ice. Greatly lias he been calumniated by traitors and invad- 
ers ; but, without desiring it, they have exalted his name, by 
calling those Mexicans Juarists who defend the independence 
of their country. Juarez, by his constancy, energy, intelli- 
gence, patriotism, jirobity, and honorable character, will fill a 
bright page in the history of the nations of America. I will 
only say to you that Juarez, by his great virtues and civic 
eminence, is a man worthy to direct the destinies of a free peo- 
ple on the continent where government has been exercised 
hj Washington and Lincoln. 

You see, then, that a monarchical party has really existed in 
Mexico ; but so feeble, so impotent, so unpopular, and so short- 
eighted, that it has never been able, by itself, to extinguish 
the republican institutions, and, always knowing its own im- 
potence, has sought for foreign aid, and never shrunk from 
the horrid crime of treason to the country. . You see, also, 
gentlemen, that this insane and wicked minority has been the 
constant element of the disorders of Mexico, the enemy of 
liberty and progress, a great obstacle to the establishment 
of free institutions and the som'ce of all our agitations. Act- 
ing thus, they have not been ashamed to go begging, from 
court to court, for a stable government, when they themselves 
Lave been the firebrand of discord. 

The revolutions in Mexico, which are painted in foreign 
countries as the extremes of confusion and scandal, as the 
proof of the corruption and incapacity of an entire nation, as 
the demonstration that the Mexicans are incapable of govern- 
ing themselves, as the justification of the intervention and 
conquest, ofi'er no such indications to the just and impartial 
observer. The revolutions of Mexico signify that the Spanish 



15 



domination left behind poisonous germs, which could not be 
extirpated in a day; that the independence of the Spanish 
colonies was only the beginning of a conflict which imist ne- 
cessarily belong against fanaticism, against prejudices, against 
ignorance, against the errors which had been sown m order to 
perpetuate servitude. The revolutions of Mexico show, final- 
ly the constant effort of a people to secure their independ- 
ence, to establish their liberty, to proceed in the path of prog- 
ress, having to repress a turbulent minority, resolutely bent 
on preserving all the abuses and privileges of the classes 
which had enslaved society. And Mexico has come off tri- 
umphant from this contest, because she has always conquered 
despotism, because she has always succeeded in restonng lib- 
ertv- and although in the midst of so many agitations the 
progress which she has realized, and the improvements which 
6he has introduced, are truly wonderful. -When law has ruled 
the Mexican people have known how to exercise the electoral 
suffrage, organized righteous tribunals, maintamed a free and 
enlightened press, diffused public education, produced emment 
men in all the professions, improved industry, agncu ture, and 
minino-, given freedom to commerce, guarantees to labor, en- 
couragement to all useful enterprises, and, in short, followed 
the current of universal civilization, fraternally invitmg the 
stranger to partake of the blessings which Providence has dis- 
pense'd to their country with a prodigal hand. 

Neither before nor since her independence have there ever 
been in Mexico any elements or tendencies favorable to the 
establishment of a monarchy. The Spanish dommation a 
pure commercial concern, was equally oppressive to ail tne 
inhabitants of the country, who, on making themselves tree, 
found themselves perfectly equal, as it always happens when 
a colony is emancipated. The insurrection of 1810 was essen- 
tially democratic, and always recurred, when it cou d, to tne 
forms of representative government, to expose to the worltt 
the iustice of independence, and to give unity to the efforts ot 
the patriots. Hidalgo, in 1811, in decreeing the abolition of 
slavery, called forth all races to the enjoyment of politicaL 
rights, establishing from that time the magnificent basis of our 
institutions. In Mexico there was no nobility, no aristocracy, 



16 

and the people, in constituting themselves, desired to create 
no absolute powers but the guaranty of laws, the enjoyment of 
rights for all the citizens, and thus establish the Republic, and 
since have constantly defended and sustained it. A great in- 
fluence has been exercised on their minds by the spectacle of 
the prosperity and happiness of the United States, which they 
owe to their institutions ; and the fact of our having aspired 
after the same benefits, is the grand fault of the Mexican peo- 
ple in the eyes of the despots of Europe. 

The monarchical party have always implored foreign^aid ; 
and. if the Euro^^eans did not yield it, it was because their first 
attempts at reconquest were deterred by the Monroe doctrine, 
and because they ever feared to involve themselves in conflicts 
with the American people. 

Thus, then, when the monarchical party in Mexico was 
reduced to mere bands 'of robbers, when its footsteps were 
spotted with every kind of crimes, when they had just dipped 
their hands in the blood of the surgeons who attended the 
wounded in a hospital, and broken the seals of the British 
Legation to get possession of the funds of the English bonds, 
the powers of Europe listened with complacency to the sup- 
plications of the Mexican traitors, entered into their projects, 
knowing that the United States were- weakened and distm'bed 
by a terrible civil war, which Europe had helped to bring on. 
The first experiment was made in Saint Domingo, and its 
favorable result encouraged the enemies of America who 
dreamed that the honr had arrived to stop the progress of 
popular government on this continent, and to proceed to en- 
slave the nations which people it. 

The history of the convention of London is known to the 
world : the arrival of Spanish troops on the Mexican coast, 
the pretexts made for seizing on our revenue, the discords 
which divided the allies, their solemn recognition of the legi- 
timate government of the Republic, their formal promise to 
arrange by means of diplomatic negotiations all the questions 
then pending, and the scandalous violation of the prelimi- 
naries of La Soledad, in which the plenipotentiaries of the 
Emperor of the French shamelessly declared that their prom- 
ises were worth no more than the bit of paper on which they 



17 

were written ! So opprobrious was the outrage of public 
faith and right, that England and Spain would not follow 
France, and were ashamed to imitate her. 

Thus commenced the war between France and Mexico ; 
and while you, Americans, were struggling with the rebellion, 
which found sympathizers in Europe, the Mexican people began 
to fight, routing and beating the French army. Then they 
made it a point of honor for France — the honor of persever- 
ing in a lawless aggression ! After two months of heroic re- 
sistance, the city of Puebla succumbed, but not until its de- 
fenders had exhausted their ammunition, and not a morsel of 
bread remained to put into their mouths. 

After that disaster, the French intervention tore off the 
mask with which it had covered its face. The Minister 
Saligny and General Forey legislated as if in a conquered 
land. They convoked an assembly of notables ; they, and 
they only, elected those whom they called representatives of 
the Mexican people ; they and they alone conceived the estab- 
lishment of the new monarchy and the election of an Austrian 
Archduke, whose name was then first proposed in Mexico by 
themselves. The invaders inaugurated a system of oppression 
and cruelty ; they exiled patriots, established martial courts, 
erected the pillory, flagellated men and women, violated the 
domestic fireside, and imposed upon towns odious taxations, 
which are yet exacted. 

The capital having been lost, the contest extended through 
the whole country. The people rose against the foreigners, 
sealed with their blood their love of independence, and battles 
have been fought in all parts with various fortunes. In the 
midst of this slaughter, the Archduke Maximilian arrived in 
Mexico, expecting to be an emperor, but he has formd him- 
self to be only the first vassal of France. This prince, with- 
out any will of his own, without knowing the people whoni 
he pretends to govern, has fluctijated from one political party 
to another, and been constant only in vacillating, and in vain- 
ly seeking some national support; he now knows perfectly 
that he has, no dependence but that given him by the army 
which brought him to the country ; and fearing that may fail 
him, he is preparing a new support in adventurers, whom he is 
2 



18 

recruiting and deceiving, in nations to which Mexico has never 
doiie even the least injury. 

Maximilian has disappointed the hopes of his new partisans. 
He came, in the name of European civilization and the Cath- 
olic religion, to overthrow the work of the republicans, to 
restore to the Church her riches, her immunities, and her an- 
cient situation of a state within and above the state. He came 
to persecute liberty of conscience ; and wishing to appear as 
an enlightened and liberal prince, he has done nothing more 
than imitate all the measures and laws issued by President 
Juarez. Thus he has alienated the sympathy of the monarch- 
ical party, and failed in gaining that of the people, who have 
always considered him a usurper, imposed upon them by 
violence. 

There has not been a single village in Mexico which has 
spontaneously given its adhesion to the Empire. All those 
which have accepted it have been compelled to do so, and the 
monarchical opinion, to show itself, has everywhere waited for 
the presence of the French bayonets. On the contrary, in 
spite of the want of arms and munitions, and the scarcity of 
resources, caused by the occupation of the custom-houses by 
the enemy, the Mexican people continue to fight incessantly, 
continue to recognize their legitimate government, and regard 
the so-called Emperor as one of so many invaders. 

France has desired to found a colony in Mexico, like that 
which she has in Africa ; and, to conceal this design from the 
world, she has brought a Prince as a docile instrument of her 
ambition, and has also desired to check the development of 
free institutions in America, fearing that their stability and 
prosperity would rouse the oppressed people of Em'ope from 
their lethargy. 

Such, gentlemen, is the actual state of the Mexican question. 
There is hot to be contemplated the spectacle of a people de- 
based, corrupted, and degraded, of whose fate the world ought 
to despair. Her agitations are very far from being symptoms 
of decay and anarchy, of corruption and disorganization. On 
the contrary, they are proof that the people are ahve, and 
fighting for their honor, liberty, and independence. 

Monarchy has no root of existence in Mexico. It is only 



19 

an abuse, introduced by force ; and France herself acknowledges 
the truth of this when she declares that if she should withdraw 
her army the throne would fall to the dust, and leave no trace 
of its transient existence. 

Ton have desired, gentlemen, to know the situation of a 
neighboring sister republic. I have told you the truth dis- 
passionately, without hatred and without rancor. The mere 
interest which you manifest for our fate will encourage the 
Mexicans to persevere in their glorious enterj)rise. They have 
struggled, they are struggling, and they will struggle, alone, 
without support and without food, until, first or last, the au- 
rora oS justice, peace, and redemption shall shine upon them. 

The Government of the United States has done much, by 
not recognizing as the work of the Mexican people, the insane 
erection of a throne by foreign invaders. You might do much, 
if you would persist in requiring that your Government shall 
continue to observe the same worthy conduct, comprehending 
that, in Mexico, the present agitation is neither disorder nor 
anarchy, but the most noble effort of a nation, which, without 
measuring its own powers, is not dismayed in her endeavor to 
save her self-government, and to secure the sovereignty of all 
America by preserving her own independence. 

The Mexican question involves the fate of the continent. 
In it is to be decided the antagonism which exists between 
despotism and liberty, between monarchy and republicanism, 
and therefore it is a continental question, an American ques- 
tion, which no people in the E'ew World can contemplate with 
indifference without being false to their destiny. 

As our words will be maliciously misinterpreted by the 
enemies of America, we ought to declare aloud that our most 
ardent aspiration is for the maintenance of the independence 
of Mexico, of her republican institutions, and her territorial 
integrity ; and while we desire that all the nations of America 
may take part in our question, which is their own, we are far 
from encouraging fillibustering expeditions, and from attempt- 
ing the abolishment of our nationality by the United States. 
Eightebusness, justice, and the experience of the American 
people and Government preclude all danger of such an absorp- 
tion ; and the two Kepublics will be great and powerful with 



20 

no other bonds than those of a fraternal and sincere friendship 
based on the development of their mutual interests. 

ITeitlier do we pretend even to look for the interference of 
this great country in our institutions, or in our interior regime ; 
but we deem it just and proper that the United States and 
the whole world may never confound the expression of our 
national will with the result of the violence of the invader, 
and that it may be finally understood that should European 
intervention become consolidated in Mexico, such intervention, 
more or less disguised, would control the destinies of our whole 
continent. 

Allow me once more, gentlemen, to express our iiearty 
thanks for the interest which you take in the fate of our native 
country, and to assure you that your kind interest and your 
hospitality sweetly mitigate the pain which we feel in remem- 
bering the misfortunes of Mexico, being om'selves far from our 
homes ; while it reanimates in our bosoms the hope that she 
will succeed in reconquering her independence — thus contri- 
buting to the development of popular freedom in America. 



ADDRESS OF SENOR JOSE RIVERA-Y-RIO. 

At the very time when Europe was overjoyed at the pros- 
pect of the expected results of the hypocritical conspiracy of 
thrones against republics ; at the memorable period when, in 
the land of Washington, the rebellion broke forth, which was 
to interrupt her peace, waste all her treasures, arrest her vic- 
torious march, and inundate her immense fields with blood ; 
at that hour, Americans, the death-blow was struck at the 
heart of yom* sister, the Republic of Mexico. 

Once again secret conspiracy, treachery, treason — once 
again the most ignoble arms were brought into use ; and 
again the worst means were employed for the worst ends. 
Retrograde Europe launched herself upon this continent, 
claiming the long-denied right of conquest, in this last third 
part of the nineteenth century, and allying it with the abom- 



21 

inable crime of intervention, against wliicli slie liad so often 
protested. 

l^ature had placed, as the first obstacle to the aggressions 
of Europe, the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans ; but Europe felt 
sure of ploughing both in security. ISTature had established 
impassable mountains on the land, which were the Palladium 
of the Eepublic of Mexico ; but perjury opened the passage 
through those walls of granite, to men who had received the 
high-sounding title of the first soldiers in the world, but who 
dared not there to fight the most modest troops on earth. 

England and Spain could not submit to the infamy of 
France, and left to that powerful nation the responsibility of 
the crime. They ought to have done something more ; they 
should have chastised the violation of faith plighted in their 
treaties. They ought to have exacted the fulfilment of the 
stipulations of London, But England and Spain feared their 
eternal enemy — feared the nephew of ISTapoleon the Great. 
History explains the motives of this panic. Afterward Eng- 
land and Spain recognized the work of IsTapoleon the Third, 
which is denominated "' The Empire of Maximilian ;" a title 
essentially ludicrous, and worthy of certain scenes of a favorite 
Spanish writer, which were unattended, however, by the 
bloody catastrophes and atrocious crimes that already begin to 
strike the world with horror. 

Every great idea and every worthy sentiment has been 
wanting in that piratical expedition. Indeed, every thing has 
been wanting — including shame. From fear of the climate 
of our coasts and of our well-defended heights, the French 
army held the cities which they had begged of our govern- 
ment, as temporary hospital asylums, and which they had 
been generously allowed to occupy, even after their first acts 
of enormous injustice, under a solemn promise to retire from 
them in case no amicable arrangement should be made. We 
desired, like our predecessors three hundred years previously, 
to pacify the rage of our aggressors by our liberality and 
generosity. 

But they proceeded to plunder our property, to seize the 
power of our free people, to dispose of our destinies, to impose 
their yoke upon us, and to prepare to enact a farce, which was 



22 

to end in a tragedy, by subjugating America. Mexico was to 
be the headquarters of the modern conquistadores ; Mexico 
the first colony, which, with the antipathetic spectacle of a 
throne, should present, as a possible thing, the attempt of for- 
eign monarchy in a hemisphere where the people cordially 
love independence and the republic, democracy and liberty. 

Masters of our capital, after mourning over their routs for 
a whole year, after having in vain assaulted Puebla, and being 
always driven back from our positions, the emissaries of ISTa- 
poleon, an assembly of notables — the grossest burlesque of 
universal suffrage, the most flagrant violation of our national 
sovereignty — those iniquitous representatives of treason, nom- 
inated by the soldier who, without a battle, occupied the cap- 
ital, yielding to the pressure of foreign bayonets, obedient to 
to the voice of their master, Forey, voted for the monarchy, 
and for the Austrian Archduke, and established a regency, 
awaiting the arrival of Miramar, an adventurer whom nobody 
knew, and who, at the first invitation, had the prudence not 
to accept the improvised empire, exhibiting to the traitor com- 
missioners the plan of the Republic" of Mexico, which, with 
the exception of the capital and three other cities, was in pos- 
session of the legal authorities elected by the nation. 

Brute force, allied to corruption, afterward occupied some 
other cities ; but its power extends no farther than the terri- 
tory which is measured by its arms. 

We have fought without rest; and neither the hecatombs 
nor the scaffolds nor the martyrdoms in our country or in 
Martinique, have suppressed our indomitable bravery. The 
Colossus is strong, and treason has increased his strength ; but 
more than once victory has smiled upon us, and we have hum- 
bled its pride, without stopping the fight to count the vacil- 
lating or the number of our opponents. His vengeance then 
has been marked by treacherous assassinations, which have 
made his victories the more odious ; as that of the illustrious 
Ghilardi ; that of the honorable Governor Aguacalientes ; Cha- 
rez, the popular artisan who, in the eyes of sacrificers, had no 
other crime but that of loving his country ; Romero, generous 
to the vanquished, having fallen into the cowardly snares of 
an enemy who immolated him because they feared him, and 



23 

wislied to terrify witli punishment indignant society, wliicli 
utte?:ed a cry of reprobation at every assassination. 

Wliat has been the programme which Austrian adventurers 
have gone to fulfil, to whom the perjured Bonaparte pre- 
sented the crown of Mexico ? We have seen none, but to 
accustom America to be subjugated by Europe, and to suffer 
with indifference the spectacle of a throne. Our laws have 
been sanctioned by the usurper, who has shown this tribute of 
respect for them, after marked vacillations and tendencies to- 
ward retrocession, when, in invading us, he gave the title of 
an 0]ypr68swe minofity to the legitimate representatives of the 
country, who were their authors. 

The tyrant of France has been mistaken in his calculations ; 
has been a most unfortunate Pythoness in America ; and 
therefore proscribed religious liberty, and delivered it over to 
his captains, but afterward proclaimed religious toleration, 
and consented to the banishment of the bishops. Therefore 
he suffered the memorable reverse of the fifth of May ; there- 
fore his castle in the air is shaken by every impulse of patriot- 
ism, by every convulsion of the heroic contest which Mexico 
sustains ; therefore, also, he witnessed, from the Tuileries, the 
excision of the rebellious States ; and far from foreseeing 
the prompt and decisive victories of the Union over the seces- 
sionists, he expected the hour for recognizing the new govern- 
ment, and giving it the aid of his overrated power. But every 
one of his mistakes marks his irritation by an outburst of fury, 
a display of rage, to which his accomplice, Maximilian, blind- 
ly submits. Hence the blood which that effeminate prince 
causes to flow, after having said, in his extravagant proclama- 
tions, that if there ever should be a motive for shedding a sin- 
gle drop of blood, he would leave the throne. 

At the present time, when those who have given to them- 
selves the pompous title of the civilizers of America, not con- 
tent with depriving the people of Mexico of all social guaran- 
tees, establishing permanently courts-martial, which, without 
any restraint, without ulterior appeal, condemn to death, with 
indefatigable activity, all who have resisted their ominous 
power ; not satisfied with the burning of entire towns, as that 
of Ajusco ; with the introduction of the pillory, for the most 



24 

worthy trophy of the refinement ; nor with the crimes of Du- 
pin in Tamaiilipas and Iluasteea ; regarding such iniquity as 
trifling, tliey now imj^rison the families of those who fight for 
their country without yielding to force or corruption, as has 
just been done to those of Regules, Orteaga, Salazar, Pueblita, 
and other places. Barbarity worthy of those worn-out nations, 
who have, with their tyranny, imported horrible vices which 
the pen refuses to describe ; whose immorality has produced 
seditions, and from them the punishments and death of our 
brethren. 

Executions in mass, the incendiary's torch, ravishment, the 
infamous whij^jping of women, who are continually persecuted 
and exposed to the ferocity of the conquerors ; such are the 
traces left in that country by the soldiers who would have 
disgraced the hosts of Attila. The northern barbarians were 
more moral in Rome, than the troops of ]S[apoleon the Third 
in Mexico. 

The time has now arrived, when all this must have an end. 
The Colossus of America can not remain much longer in this 
inactive state of rest, after a contest in which, far from degen- 
erating, she has wonderfully increased in height. The enter- 
prise which she should accomplish in the continental struggle, 
while the political existence of all the American nations is 
threatened, ought not to reduce her to diplomatic lucubra- 
tions, to false cabinet promises, which are laughed at by Eu- 
ropean statesmen. Let her remember that they deceive felo- 
niously ; let her remember their oflicial replies to the inquiries 
of the Cabinet of Washington ; how the French said that they 
were going to Mexico only to make demands, without inter- 
fering in our political aflairs — and now the world is wonder- 
ing at their falsehood. 

IS^either the American people nor their government ought 
to vacillate in presence of the great question of the future, 
which it is necessary to resolve at any cost, by driving out of 
the continent that element, so offensive and pernicious to the 
nationalities and to the cause of right. 

While the soil of that neighboring Republic is profaned, you 
should be in perpetual alarm ; you should not proceed to the 
work of reconstruction without securing tranquillity for the 
future. 



25 

Your legitimate and sworn enemies were not in the fort- 
resses of Eiclimond, or in Charleston, but in Europe ; and many 
of tliem occupy the Kepublic of Mexico, terrifying her, and 
devastating her nationality, to assail, sooner or later — for 
the question is one of time — the political existence of the 
Union. 

The domestic contest of this country, like that of Mexico, 
which was sustained more than four years, was agitated by 
Europe. It was the desperate resistance of the thrones, at 
the sight of the severe majesty of republics ; it is the irrita- 
tion of the statu quo, which does not tolerate the movement 
of free nations. It is now time to nullify that influence, to 
pulverize that focus of anarchy ; and, since Europe has dared 
to formalize an aggression, let those who will survive it be the 
messengers of the unfortunate end of a crusade, which in its 
defeat shall make known to Europe our way of chastising the 
disturbers of our peace. 

The American people have not forgotten, for a single day, 
their Monroe Doctrine. If at any time that shade which is 
extended over different nations of Europe, has terrified men 
of little faith ; if, at any time, the activity of France has 
checked the leading men of this athletic nation ; if at any 
time self-interest has misunderstood the voice of alarm trans- 
mitted by the press to the tribune, and from the tribune to 
the people, it would be a crime at this day to remain in that 
policy of abstinence. The people of Washington have already 
shown, in an explicit and decisive manner, that they do not 
desire the Swiss soldiers of the tyrant of France on the soil of 
America. 

In the day of triumph, the American soldier sees . that his 
mission is not ended, and does not limit himself to keeping 
the arms which were confided to him to fight with against his 
erring brethren. He asks where is the foreigner who, taking 
advantage of the general overthrow, of our exhaustion, and 
the state of war in which the American Union was engaged, 
invades the Eepublic of Mexico ; and he wishes to go and drive 
out the stupid monarch, who, at the command of the perjured 
man of December, is forging chains for that country. ]^apo- 
leon the Great counted on Joseph Botella, I^ey, Massena, and 



26 

Murat for his conquests, and for the partition of subjugated 
nations. Napoleon the Little has counted on Forey, Bazaine, 
Douai, and Maximilian ; the former to murder and destroy, 
and the latter to place on his own head the crown of Mexico, 
though more worthy to wear the travelling-dress of Jefferson 
Davis ! 

Bloody will be the contrast offered by modern history in 
speaking of contemporaneous men, and by the side of the he- 
roes of the past American war, cast in the mould of Plutarch, 
consigns the sad celebrity of the conquerors of Mexico and 
her gracious Emperor. N^either the blood which they have 
shed, nor the atrocities which they have committed, can free 
the latter from the ridicule which fixes upon them. We have 
as yet no proof of their valor ; and may it please Heaven to 
allow us, in a few days, the final picture of the premeditated 
conquest of America by an adventurer who opportunely re- 
pents of having burnt his ships ! 

In the mean time, the victorious soldiers, animated by for- 
tune, great in genius and heart, cannot be satisfied, after a 
spirited contest, with subjecting the sons of the same country 
whom Europe encouraged, whom the corrupters of the old 
world raised in rebellion. They must chastise the invaders. 

Grant has pressed the hand of Lee ; and this reconciliation 
would be much more sincere in front of a foreign enemy. 
Grant may yet be the La Fayette of Mexico, the Garibaldi of 
this continent. His ambition cannot be satisfied with what 
he has yet done, in spite of its colossal proportions. Let him 
be the avenger of his brethren of America, and immortal- 
ize the administration of Johnson by a prowess worthy of his 
illustrious predecessor. If the unfortunate Abraham Lincoln 
has emancipated a race, let this successor of the bloody ^^ctim 
proclaim the inviolability of America, and be the vigorous de- 
fender of the Monroe prmciples, which now, more than ever, 
the American people profess. • 

• Mexico is a country endowed by nature with every thing 
which human ambition can pant after. Her climate produces 
a perfect state of well-being ; her riches form the finest prom- 
ise to labor. Up to this time, nobod}' has developed them. The 
adventurers who have visited that country have brought from 



- 27 

it alDundant harvests, and have made themselves powerful. 
A numerous emigration would find there the kindest hospital- 
ity, the dearest social enjoyments ; and, after a few years, 
every family an enviable patrimony. 

Life there is easy, and exempt from all the bitterness of over- 
populous countries, and those in which monopoly and hunger 
dispute for bread. Her sources of wealth are inexhaustible, 
her vegetation is luxuriant, her products are those of the three 
zones i3laced very near together, while her territory is immense. 
Nothing is wanting there bnt hands to collect all the treasures 
which man can reach, and which the inhabitants have not had 
time to gather, while fighting the priests and the privileged 
classes, who have made them victims of Csesarism and civil 
war. The estates of the traitors, as the booty of war, com- 
plete the picture of inviting hopes for men of courage and en- 
terprise. 

A few years ago, the enemies of the people had been con- 
quered in a decisive contest. The day of Calpulpatam, gained 
by the future President of the country. Colonel J. Gonzalez 
Ortega, conquered political liberties, and secured the triumph 
of our constitution and laws. Afterward, the same popular 
leader routed the little bands which infested that beantiful 
country ; and we began to enjoy the blessings of an era of 
peace and nascent prosperity. 

Then the nation suffered the terrible scourge of the foreign 
war, in which she has become great by fighting powerful en- 
emies. Then Mexico, with the blood of her children, writes 
the defence of Puebla, which surrendered only when her am- 
munition and provisions had been totally expended. Force and 
corruption performed the rest ; but the contest still goes on. 
The heroes of the fifth of May are still alive, and those of the 
siege of Puebla. Some of them are fighting in the country, 
and others, resolute and irreconcilable in ostracism, will avenge 
their humiliated country, and chastise those who have traf- 
ficked with her honor. 

The friendship of the American people and government, 
their strong sympathies with the cause of Mexico, the alliance 
which common danger should form, and the identity of prin- 
ciples, all encourage the hope that the invasion of France is 



28 

near its end ; that the slimc-hcap of the empire will fall amidst 
the public hisses ; that the adventurous monarch, with his 
carnival retinue, and the traitors, will be stifled by the blood 
of the victims of the country, the mai'tyrs of liberty ! 

And may our friends of this land of freemen, under the sun 
of Mexico, enjoy with us the benefits of that exuberant na- 
ture, which has proved noxious only to trans-Atlantic despot- 
ism ; and, with the assistance of your hands, and imitating 
your love of labor and your pati'ician sentiments, like the 
Cincinnatus of Rome, and the Washington of America, we 
may raise the altar of reason and the temple of progress, 
in the shade of a durable, social, and political liberty, and a 
fraternal and lasting toleration. 

Yiva Washington ! Yiva the Mexican Eepublic ! Viva the 
American Union ! 



ADDRESS OF SEiVOR JOAQUII VILLALOBOS. 

Amekicans ! I shall not occupy your attention with the his- 
tory of my country. I only wish to open my heart to the child- 
ren of Washington, and to allude solely to the principal topics 
of our independence, to the progress made by civilization in 
my country ever since, and, finally, to the energetic struggle 
kept np by the Republic against the greatest tyrant in the 
world — against IsTapoleon III. 

On the borders of your country there is another country, 
which Vv^as once conquered by Spain. After the conquest, the 
conqueror never thought of enlightening the minds of the in- 
habitants of that beautiful and virgin country ; but, on the 
contrary, bein^ impelled by the insatiable desire of grasping 
the natural wealth of the soil, charged the clergy with the 
office of controlling the people, whilst he was accumulating 
jewels and precious metals to load his vessels, and send them 
home. 

The period of the Spanish domination was horrible. There 
were seas of blood and numberless scaftolds. The oppressive 
yoke of the conqueror scarcely allowed time to breathe to 
his victims ; and the Mexicans, accustomed by their religion 



29 

to linman sacrifices, saw now that the conqueror, in the name 
of the God of peace, and for the sake of civilization, sacrificed 
his fellow-men in bonfires. 

But this conld not etidnre. Providence had destined for 
Mexico a man like Washington ; he was born in obscurity, to 
become, later, the centre of light. 

Mexico became free, and her broken chains were a living 
proof of her life of suffering, and a harbinger of her life ol 
happiness. 

But the evils of tyranny were not as yet quite eradicated ; 
and as it is necessary to remove the rubbish of a decayed struc- 
ture in order to build a new one, thus we had to remove the 
dilapidated moral system before we could think of building an 
enduring edifice. This has been the cause of our civil war, 
and every body must admit that without this struggle there is 
no possible way to gain independence, and to further progress. 

And when the Eepublic of Mexico, after great exertions, 
had succeeded in uniting dissenting parties, and was following 
the way of true civilization ; when she was acquiring the pres- 
tige of a great nation by her wise laws of religious and civil 
reform, IsTapoleon the Third falls upon her, and destroys in a 
day the work of many years of toils and sacrifices. 

Mexico and ISTapoleon are a striking illustration of the say- 
ing of the thief and the miner : while the laborer drives into 
the earth his tools, and sprinkles it with his sweat, nobody 
deigns to look at him ; but when he succeeds in discovering a 
vein of the precious metal, some malefactor will fain deprive 
him of the fruit of his exertions. Thus it has been with my 
country and ISTapoleon. 

However, the spoliation has not been so easy, nor the laborer 
so weak. It is more than three years since ISTapoleon's guns 
began to thunder in Mexico, and yet, the same heroes who 
fought and conquered at Magenta and Solferino have not 
been able to subdue Hidalgo's country. The fifth of May, the 
twenty-fifth of April, and many other dates, at Puebla, at Yer- 
anas, at Tacambaro, and everywhere else, bear testimony to 
the bravery of the Mexicans, and to the defeat of the invading 
hosts. * 

N^evertheless, neither courage nor determination to fight are 



80 

the only conditions to carry on a war ; the supply of arms and 
of other implements of war mnst be at hand, in order to lead 
to a successful campaign ; and, unhappily, the state of desti- 
tution brought forth by the French iifvasion, and the want of 
arms in our army, do not allow us to drive away the invader. 
To accomplish this end, we must obtain some aid, some sup- 
port, a direct or indirect protection, and neither this aid nor 
this protection can come from any other people than from the 
people of the United States. 

Yes ; it is your duty and your right to come to the rescue 
of the Eepublic of Mexico. Monroe, from his grave, tells you 
that the American who forgets his doctrine, forgets, at the 
same time, that he is an American citizen. 

The New-York Times will, perhaps, inquire whether it 
would not be wiser to let Maximilian remain on the throne of 
Mexico ; and it may inquire, also, whether the Mexicans are 
entitled to liberty. Let me, then, answer a few words — but a 
few words — to the New- York Times. 

A people that, with an old man as leader of the natives, 
without arms, come forth to fight one of the most powerful 
nations of those times, in order to conquer their liberty, and 
succeed in the struggle — are such a people entitled to liberty ?, 

A people that, on achieving their liberty, do not forget to 
grant the same blessing to the negro slave, declaring that every 
one who may put his foot on Mexican soil is ipso facto free — 
are such a people entitled to liberty ? 

A people that, on gaining their independence, open all their 
ports to the commerce of the world ; that invite all men, with- 
out distinction as to the country they may come from, to work 
the mines thereof, to reap abundant harvest, to hew and ex- 
port dyeing and building-wood, and, finally, to have a share in 
every thing the Mexican soil produces — is such a people en- 
titled to liberty ? 

A people that, in their zeal for religious reform, fights fana- 
ticism, abolishes the monopoly of a state religion, and allows 
every person to worship God as he may please — is such a peo- 
ple entitled to liberty ? 

A people that, by the reforms introduced in their govern- 



31 

inent, by the wisdom of their laws, is advancing with the spirit 
of the age — is such a people entitled to liberty? 

A people that, in spite of their want of every implement of 
war, struggles with the powerful Empire of France for over 
three years, and soaks in blood the war-trophies of Magenta 
and Solferino ; a people that, in defending their cause, are con- 
sciously defending the cause of the whole American continent, 
fighting France, Austria, and Belgium at the same time, with- 
out any other resources than their heroic efforts, and aided by 
God only — is such a people entitled to liberty ? 

Will the J^ew-Yorh Times allow us to ask a few more 
questions ? 

A newspaper that calls itself the organ of liberty and of the 
Republic, and in the same breath supports the empire of Maxi- 
milian — can such a paper be the organ of free men ? 

A paper that applauds the abolition of slavery at home, that 
denounces that abominable system of oppression, and which, 
nevertheless, approves the enslavement of a whole nation — can 
that paper be the organ of free men ? 

An American citizen that is proud of his country's victories, 
exalts his country's greatness, and yet falls on his knees before 
IsTapoleon the Third — we ask the Times, is such a man entitled 
to liberty ? 

A man who knows through the Paris Moniteur (the official 
organ of I^apoleon) that the establishment of the empire in 
Mexico means the enhancement of European commerce and 
the circumscription of American influence ; a man that hears 
the plain words of the Marquis de Boissy, who openly declares 
in the French Parliament that he rejoices in the civil war in 
America, and who prays to God that both contending parties 
may be irretrievably ruined ; a man who knows that French 
navy-yards have supplied ships to the fratricidal war in Amer- 
ica ; a man that may see yet the mocking grin of some French 
deputies when Mr. Pelletan proposes to send a congratulatory 
communication to Mr. Lincoln, which communication was not 
allowed to pass ; a man who daily reads the insults of the 
ISTapoleonic press, this same man who has before his eyes the 
outrageous letter of the French commander in Santa Cruz to 
the American commander in Brownsville ; a man, finally, who, 



32 

instead of tiu'iiing the power made free by the end of the war 
to the defence of the whole continent, exerts himself to use the 
softest phrases to please his enemy : we ask the Tiineh — ^but 
let the answer be frank and open-hearted — does that man act 
and speak in the interest of this great liepublic % 

There are occasions when a man censures virtue to conceal 
his own crime. The Mexicans have been robbed of their dear- 
est rights, and the men who, standing by, had not tlie courage 
to protest against and resist that infamous act of spoliation, 
are inquiring now whether that unfortunate people did not 
deserve to have been robbed. 

The Times understands us ! 

And yet, if there are journals that deny us justice, and if 
there are men in higher circles who would deliver us, manacled, 
to French despotism, the greater and better part of the Amer- 
ican press devote their energies to our cause. There are many 
high officers, known to fame by their exploits, avIio tender their 
services to the cause of liberty ; not a few capitalists are ready 
to support the movement ; many an eloquent speaker raises 
his voice in the defence of Mexico ; and, to crown the whole, 
many millions of men are desirous to rush to the battle-fields 
of the Eepublic, in order to sustain liberty in America. Oh ! 
how gratifying it is to find this soothing balm, to heal the 
wounds of my beloved country, tendered by the hands of the 
generous children of Washington ! 

But do not believe that the opposition to the sublime effort 
to support Mexico is reduced to the sayings of some papers, 
or to the action of some men. There are men who exert 
themselves to show my countrymen that your armed interven- 
tion in their behalf would be dangerous, that the United States 
would go to Mexico impelled by selfish motives, and that the 
price of the aid asked for would be the loss of our nationality. 
This contemptible slander has been spread so artfully, that 
even staunch republicans entertain fears, and have written to 
me on that score. I have laughed at the absurdity, and tried 
to undeceive them, answering them as follows : 

" Whenever the bells of this city are tolled, giving the alarm 
of fire, we see men rush from every place, leaving tlieir busi- 
ness, their employments, or their homes, and running to the 



83 

post of danger, where they a.ssemble with indomitable will to 
crush the fire. I^Tothing " keeps them back, neither the falling 
walls, nor the suffocating smoke, nor the fury of the flames 
scorching their faces and igniting their dresses — nothing — 
nothing at all. They rush forward to save what they can ; 
and many women, many aged persons, and many children owe 
them their lives. 

"After having extinguished the fire, every one of these heroes 
returns home, without demanding any other reward than the 
proud consciousness of having performed his duty. Fear noth- 
ing — absolutely nothing — from such a people. They endan- 
ger, generously, their lives for the common welfare : therefore, 
accept their aid, and be assured that the Americans, who may 
come to put out the fire, the work of incendiarism, in the 
Mexican Eepublic, will not stain their name by demanding 
a shameful reward." 

That is what I have written to Mexico, for that is what I 
believe, and what I believe in this respect is the truth. 

Let us then march forward ; let the American people see 
only the common enemy, and come to the rescue ; let the 
torches of civil war in the United States and in Mexico be ex- 
tinguished in the blood of the minions of ISTapoleon. Tell Mr., 
Johnson that the President ought not to forget what the presi- 
dential candidate promised, that he should not allow the arms 
of the conquered South -to rust in their armories. Be wide 
awake, Americans ! E"apoleon will not stay his aggressive 
march in Mexico, if he finds you weak and acquiescing, in the 
usurpation of Maximilian in Mexico. His presence there is a 
standing threat against your own independence. 

And now, let me address a few words to President John- 
son : The Mexicans, President Johnson, remind you, through 
me, of the promise of Baltimore. The destinies of the new 
world hang on your decisions ; you can save or destroy them ; 
you can make the world respect American institutions, or, 
neglecting this duty, expose them to the scorn and aggression 
of tyranny and fraud. History, that faithful mirror of the ac- 
tions of men, will hand you down to posterity, after having 
passed its stern judgment upon your public acts. Listen but to 
the voice of your conscience ; remember that you were born, 
3 



84 

free ; that Monroe is dead, but that his doctrine is alive ; and, 
above all, do not forget that, at this very moment, the eyes of 
the children of Hidalgo, and of those of Washington, are fixed 
upon you. 



ADDRESS OF COLONEL MANUEL BALBONim. 

It has been generally believed that the political commo- 
tions which our Eepublic has often experienced, were the effect 
of the bad character of the people, and their incapacity for 
self-government. This theory, propagated by the enemies of 
the Eepublic, was received without contradiction in the lofty 
regions of European diplomacy, and was admitted as an axiom. 
During many years it has been the terrible weapon with 
which skirmishing attacks were made against the credit of 
the Mexican people : and being skilfully used by'the ambitious 
•on the other side of the Atlantic, prepared public opinion in 
such a way that the premeditated assault upon the country 
should not produce a scandal. 

But as in the world there is no effect without a cause, it is 
-easy to believe that the inquietude of the Mexican people 
had its oi'igin in some evil deeply rooted in the social body. 
And such was the fact. 

"When independence was consummated, in 1810, the inter- 
ests of all those persons who had lived upon the people in co- 
lonial times, were left in an unfavorable condition. 

The clergy foresaw that the republican system, which was 
soon after adopted, would in time bring in the freedom of re- 
lio-ious worship- The aristocracy could not endure to have 
the indigenous race, whom they despised, but at the same time 
used for their own profit, raised to their level by the constitu- 
tional code. Those who had slaves hated an order of things 
which took then- prey from their hands, and prevented them 
from multiplying the products of their haciendas by new im- 
portations of negroes. The families holding titles of nobility 
discovered a horrible usurpation in their suppression. Those 
having birthrights thought themselves robbed by their legis- 
lators, who ordained the division of inheritances among all the 



35 

children of a familj. Monopolists under tlie viceroys had en- 
joyed exemption from taxation and free trade ; and many 
women sighed for the aristocratic festivals of the viceregal 
cotirts, in which they or their husbands had taken part. 

All these elements immediately amalgamated, and vowed 
the destruction of the Republic. In their efforts to accomplish 
that object, they have never yielded to any obstacle, nor hesi- 
tated to employ any means, however detestable. Always con- 
spiring against the independence and liberty of their country, 
they placed themselves in communication with the European 
aristocracy ; and not a single day has passed, since 1821, which 
has not added a link to the black chain that was extended 
from Mexico, now to Madrid, now to Eome, then to Yienna 
and Paris. 

But yet the conservative party, which was formed of those 
elements, did not dare to defend their monarchical theories 
openly, because they knew that the immense majority of the 
people love independence and the Republic. Therefore, that 
astute party had recourse to hypocrisy, and complained, in a 
sentimental tone, of the bitter fruits which itrvpiety and licen- 
tiousness, as they said, had produced in the nation, and charged 
to the republican system all the evils which the country suf- 
fered, even those inherited from the Spanish Government, la- 
menting for those good old times when all was prosperity and 
happiness. 

In this manner, while the materials necessary for the de- 
struction of the Republic were preparing in Europe, changes 
were taking place in the opinions of the common people and 
those of limited information. The friends of independence, 
justly alarmed by the labors of their adversaries, opposed ne- 
cessary resistance ; and hence resulted that gigantic contest 
which has lasted halt a century, the misfortune of two gene- 
rations, retarding the splendor and weakening the virility of a 
people who are destined to be one of the powerful champions 
by whom, at no remote day, the final battle is to be fought- 
between European despotism and American liberty. 

Yet, in spite of the intrigues of the conservative party — ^in 
spite of the united efforts of the clergy on the consciences of 
the people, by perverting the Divine Word, the liberals gained 



.ground daily, and newlj-enliglitened men entered tlie path 
wliicli leads to national glory and aggrandizement. 

The plan of the conspirators was, to gain possession of the 
government, and, by means of a series of intrigues, to make it 
over to a foreign prince, sustained by foreign bayonets. Dur- 
ing the last administration of General Santa Anna, and those 
of Zuloaga and Miramon, powerful eflbrts were made to realize 
this project, but they neither found the time to accomplish the 
iniquity, nor was there courage enough in Europe to help 
them. 

When, by the triumph of the liberals, in 1860, the con- 
servatives arrived at the conviction they could never again rise 
to power, they conceived the odious project of preventing the 
consolidation of the government ; in which they succeeded, by 
interposing obstacles of all kinds in its way : sending bands 
of robbers to all parts of the country, who carried death, pil- 
lage, and fire everywhere, in the name of the " holy religion ;" 
introducing, with subtilty, many of their partisans into the 
governmental offices, who contributed to the disorder of the pub- 
lic administration ; incessantly sending their clamors to Europe 
against the decay and barbarism into which the nation had 
sunk, and making the reformed government responsible for all 
the calamities suffered by the country, of which they them- 
selves were the authors. It seems incredible that human per- 
versity could have been capable of such wickedness ! 

As the United States, at that time, were engaged in the sub- 
lime contest which they have just closed, Europe believed the 
occasion had arrived for her to overthrow the republican sys- 
tem in Mexico, together with the independence of the country ; 
which step would serve as a preliminary to the suppression of 
the republican form of government all over the American con- 
tinent. 

Three great monarchies hastened to engage in the enterprise 
— England, France, and Spain. 

The first, although she desired to see the form of govern- 
ment in Mexico changed, did not like to compromise herself 
for the future, and accompanied the other two only under the 
pretext of pecuniary claims. When she saw France pursuing 
a wrong course, she retired from the scene, saying, with Du- 



37 

queslin : " I neither remove nor set up a king ; but I help my 
master." 

Spain was deceived. She believed, in good faith, that Mex- 
ico would proclaim monarchy as soon as the first ship of the 
intervention should appear, and therefore she exerted herself 
to arrive first. The conduct of France completely defeated 
her ; but General Prim had the talent and the courage neces- 
sary to withdraw her creditably, by doing the only thing which 
could be done. 

France had no reason for invading Mexico. The French 
residents there enjoyed the friendship and sympathies of the 
people ; had contributed in some ways to the triumph of the 
reforming revolution, and had availed themselves of the de- 
mortization of the estates of the clergy, a portion of which 
remained in their hands. The only debt which the nation 
owed to French subjects was one hundred and seventy thou- 
sand dollars, which they were paying regularly. There was 
no motive whatever for war; but it was necessary to seek 
one, because the hour to destroy the Republic had been' struck 
by the clock of Kapoleon the Third. 

Absurd grievances and fables were invented respecting 
French subjects, and a certain comedy was performed, of an 
attempt to murder the French representative. Fraudulent 
credits were produced, of men who were not subjects of France, 
but who were proclaimed to be so for the occasion. 

Pretexts having been sought for to deceive the world, the 
war commenced, with the formalities which attend a piratical 
invasion — without previous claims, without an ultimatum or 
a warning, but only with a declaration that there would be no 
treating with the Mexican Government in any manner ; and 
it is well known what conduct the French diplomatists and 
generals have observed, and what respect they have had for 
the honor of France. 

Thus we have seen the causes which principally contributed 
to the constant agitation of the Mexican Republic, and by 
what means European despotism has succeeded in placing her 
unclean foot on the neck of Liberty in America. l!Tow, the 
military power of France, aided from without by the sympa- 
thies of Europe, and even by a part of Africa, and in the in- 



88 

terior by monarchical traitors, has succeeded in extending it- 
self over a considerable part of the Republic, carrying with it 
desolation and slaughter. There, in concert, Frenchmen, 
traitors, Austrians, Turks, Belgians, and even Egyptians, are 
furiously engaged in a v^ork of destruction and iniquity. 

What is passing in Mexico is very significant ! From all 
sides arrive, like mad dogs, those herds of assassins — emissa- 
ries sent by the despots of Europe to destroy liberty. From 
remote nations, where the name of Mexico was scarcely 
known, and from those whom she never could have offended, 
legions are sent, to drown the Republic in her blood. This is 
the way in which the people of Europe joyfully hasten to the 
crusade against Mexico, who has never committed any offence 
against them ! And those who pretended to be scandalized 
by the disorders of the Republic, and who feared that civiliza- 
tion would be lost in Mexico, have spread themselves, like 
hordes of Comanches, over the surface of the country, commit- 
ting all the crimes known to the languages of men — assassin- 
ating, "robbing, violating, burning — respecting nothing, neither 
children, old men, women, the sick, the wounded, nor even 
religion itself, which they said they came to defend. 

Neither in the war of independence nor in the bloody civil 
wars, was seen any thing like the atrocities committed by these 
new Yandals,who have been vomited by semi-barbarous Europe 
upon unfortunate Mexico. 

In the mean time the Mexican people, betrayed, deserted by 
all the world, weakened by many years of war, without a trea- 
sury and without arms, fight notwithstanding all, and pour 
their generous blood, serving as a shield to America, and 
wielding the sword of the conqueror, which is losing its edge 
by giving so many wounds. 

There phalanxes of men are seen fighting almost naked, 
emaciated and debilitated by hunger, miserably armed — often 
with only clubs and stones — frequently routed, but yet invinci- 
ble ; while their brethren, the free men of America, have not 
given them even the least assistance — not a musket, nor even 
a cartridge. 

The French are made desperate by so unexpected a resist- 
ance. Their fury has risen to frenzy ; and, like 'Nevo, they 



S9, 

wish tlie Mexican people liad but a single neck, tliat they 
might destroy them with one blow. 

But now the time of reparation approaches, and justice will 
be fulfilled. The invaders see the United States coming out 
victorious from the terrible crisis through which sagacious 
Europe has made them to pass, and that this free people 
appears, since the conflict, more powerful than ever. 

Therefore, they wish to complete the work of extermina- 
tion in Mexico. Therefore they alarm the Mexican people by 
announcing to them absorption by the United States, and 
urge them to conform to the semblance of government 
which they have wished to give them, because they know that 
the Mexican people love their independence, and desire nei- 
ther to change masters nor to have a master. 

But the Mexican people will not allow themselves to be de- 
ceived. They hope for the assistance of their brethren of the 
American Union, and they know they will have it, because 
in their cause are interested the glory, the repose, and the fu- 
ture condition of this great nation ; because it is necessary to 
secure the existence of the whole continent against the en- 
croachments of Europe ; because it is necessary to leave this 
palladium of refuge to liberty, persecuted in the world ; and 
finally, because humanity, civilization, and liberty need that 
America remain independent and republican. 

The American people will doubtless fulfil the great mission 
for which they are destined, and will be the bond that shall 
unite all the nations of the continent, to prepare them for the 
great battle which Europe will offer them hereafter. Then 
Mexico, having stanched her wounds, will take her place in 
the line by the side of the American Union, holding the ban- 
ner of Yguala, which she loves so well. 

Americans ! on the other side of the Eio Grande is a sister 
nation whom they are mm'dering ; and that nation need arms 
to defend themselves. In the convulsions of agony, they turn 
their supplicating looks to the American people, who are great, 
who are powerful, and who have arms in superabundance. 
They ask them for muskets and for cannon to defend their 
. banner, which is spotted with their blood. Will they be 
refused by the sons of Washington, and Lincoln ? 



40 



RESOLUTIONS ADOPTED. 

The following EESOLUTIONS were then read by the 
Chairman, and adopted unanimously, and with loud accla- 
mations : 

Resolved^ That the people of the United States regard the 
invasion of the Mexican Republic by the powers of Europe as 
an offence against the law of nations, done under false pre- 
tences, culminating in a usurpation of the government and the 
establishment of a pretended monarchy, without the shadow of 
right, and upheld only by foreign bayonets, with no authority 
over the people. 

Hesolved, That the facts communicated in the eloquent ad- 
dresses of om- distinguished Mexican friends, are worthy of 
being known to all our fellow-citizens and countrymen ; and 
that their publication will afford the long-needed means of 
information concerning that interesting and calumniated peo- 
ple. • 

Resolved, That the history, condition, character, capacities, 
and wants of the Mexican people present urgent claims on our 
intelligent, virtuous, and philanthropic citizens, to cooperate 
with their statesmen and patriots in promoting education and 
the arts, for the improvement of society and the extension of 
agriculture, manufactures, mining, and commerce, in their 
rich and fertile country. 

Resolved, That we honor the memory of Generals Quijano 
and Doblado, lately deceased in this city, the venerable lead- 
ers and counsellors of the band of Mexicans who have taken 
refuge among us ; and that, while we respectfully offer our 
sympathy to their bereaved families and friends, we commend 
their noble example to the imitation of their countrymen. 

Resolved, That our cordial respect and deep sympathy are 
due to the people of Mexico in their present sufferings, under 
the oppressions of Europe, for their heroic endurance and per- 
severing courage in defence of their national liberties, and for 
their patriotic sacrifices in the cause of American independ- 
ence ; 

Also, to General Benito Juarez, the constitutional Presi- 



41 

dent of the Mexican Republic, for the wisdom, firmness, 
patriotism, and success with which he has administered the 
government through so many years of trial, and amid such 
unparalleled difficulties, as well as for his heroic persistence 
in sustaining the only government of his country which the 
United States can recognize ; 

And to the band of Mexican patriots before us, whom we 
receive as worthy representatives of a sister Republic and 
our nearest neighbor, in whose welfare we are most inti- 
mately interested. ' 



After the adoption of the Resolutions, the flags of Mexico 
and the United States were brought forward, and planted 
together in front of the platform, while the audience rose and 
cheered. Then, in reply to loud calls, the Mexican National 
Republican Hymn was sung, in fine style, by Colonel Bal- 
BONTiN, the members of the Club joining in the chorus. 



Speech of the Honorable Matias Romero, 

EHVOT EXTRAORDINARY AND MINISTER PLENIPOTENTIARY OP THE REPUBLl OF MEXICO 
TO THE UNITED STATES OP AMERICA, 

DELIVERED IN NEW-YORK ON THE TWENXY-SIXTH OP DECEMBER, 1863, AT A 

DINNER GIVEN BY THE MEXICAN LEGATION TO A PARTY 

OF DISTINGUISHED CITIZENS. 



Gentlemen : The internal condition of Mexico is scarcely un- 
derstood or appreciated in this country or in Europe. The general 
impression seems to be, that we are an uncivilized, heterogeneous 
people, constantly divided by petty personal feuds and ambitions ; 
always engaged in making pronunciamientos ; entirely wanting 
in patriotism and high-toned sentiments ; altogether unfitted for 
self-government ; utterly incapable of developing our great natural 
resources ; and therefore unworthy of the sympathy or respect of 
mankind. Gentlemen, there never has been an opinion more un- 
justly entertained ; never a judgment more unfounded. 

All of you are aware, gentlemen, that when Mexico was a col- 
ony of Spain, it was the policy of the Spanish Government to rule 
the country through the instrumentality of the Catholic clergy. 
With this object in view, the clergy were clothed with every kind 
of personal privilege, and were allowed to monopolize a very large 
portion of the real estate and other property of the country. They 
were also the only educated class, and all instruction of the masses 
was left entirely in their hands. By these means they maintained 
a profound influence over the consciences of the ignorant people, 
and they constituted an aristocracy more powerful and more 
deeply rooted than any other upon the face of the broad earth. 
When, in 1810, the early Mexican patriots proclaimed the inde- 
pendence of their country from the Spanish yoke, the clergy be- 



44 

came alarmed by a movement in which it had not, as an associa- 
tion, taken the initiative, and which, if it should terminate in the 
overthrow of the Spanish Government and the establishment of a 
National government, might place in peril tlieir numerous privi- 
leges, their immense riches, and their controlling influence. They 
therefore determined to oppose the movement. I do not believe 
it necessary to tell you, gentlemen, that so long as the Mexican 
clergy threw the immense weight of their influence on the side of 
the Spanish Government, the Spaniards were everywhere triumph- 
ant. But while the struggle was going on in Mexico, a great 
change took place in Spain. The Spanish Cortes, animated by 
liberal ideas, had issued various decrees, seriously diminishing the 
personal privileges of the clergy, and had passed laws providing 
for the desaraortization of their immense proj)erty, for the benefit 
of the nation at large. The Mexican clergy then began to change 
their ground. They saw at once how much they would have to 
lose, if the laws passed by the Spanish Cortes should be cai*ried 
into efiect in Mexico ; and believing, at the same time, that they 
could organize a government which would be fully under their 
own control, they determined to adopt the cause of independence, 
and with their aid the indejDendence of Mexico was then achieved. 

Since that time, a fearful struggle has been going on between 
the clergy on the one side, who have sought to control the Na- 
tional Government, and, on the other, the few enlightened, patri- 
otic men, who, seeing that there was no hope that Mexico could 
become what nature designed her to be, unless liberal principles 
should be adopted, and an entire separation be efiected from 
Church influence and control — began to labor for the establish- 
ment of a liberal, i:)opular government, which should keep down 
the ambition and usurpation of the clergy, always directed to the 
promotion of their own interests, without any regard for the wel- 
fare of the country. 

The result of such a struggle in its earlier efibrts, could not be 
doubtful, taking into consideration the poAver, the influence, and 
the resources of each party respectively. Whenever the liberal 
party succeeded in establishing, through the ballot-box, a legal 
government — a government which would not favor the interests 
of the clergy, when these were opposed to the interests of the 
country — a government in favor of promoting foreign immigration, 
of opening highways, constructing railroads, authorizing the free 
and public exercise of all religions, the freedom of the press, of 



45 

reducing import duties, favoring all branches of commerce — in a 
word, developing all the natural wealth and vast resources of 
Mexico — the clergy immediately instigated a pronunciamiento 
against that government, and brought to bear every influence to 
secure its overthrow. 

Such a state of afiairs, however, could not last for ever. While 
the struggle was going on, the people began to grow enlightened. 
Every body saw that the money of the clergy was constantly used 
to foment revolutions, to subvert the public peace, and to shed the 
blood of the innocent j)eople for the iniquitous purpose of main- 
taining interests and j^reserving privileges entirely incompatible 
with the well-being of the country. 

Thus, the Liberal party, which at the beginning was small in 
numbers and weak in power, became stronger every day, until, 
finally, in the year 1860, it had become strong enough to crush 
entirely the Church party, and to reestablish, it was hoped for 
ever, constitutional law and constitutional government throughout 
the whole extent of Mexican territory. This was done without 
foreign aid, and even against the sympathies and encouragement 
of European powers, who had ever lent all possible aid to the 
Church party. At the same time all the sjDecial privileges of the 
clergy were repealed, and the Church property was declared to be 
National, and was sold to the people at a low, nominal price. 
This latter measure had a double object. "While the Mexican 
Government proposed to disarm the clergy, by taking from them 
the principal weapon theyhad used in their efforts to excite pro- 
nunciamientos and disturb the public peace, it desired to render 
useful to the country the immense wealth which had been accumu- 
lated by the Church, and which, being withdrawn from free circu- 
lation, and monopolized by a class indisposed or incapable of 
making it productive, had only been a source of evil, and a per- 
petual barrier to the nation. * 

Thus, when it was generally believed abroad that we were at 
war without plausible motive, only to promote petty personal am- 
bitions, we were really working out one of the most thorough of 
revolutions, and one of the most necessary for the true prosperity 
of the people of Mexico. 

I desire to be distinctly imderstood, gentlemen, that we have 
never raised any issue with the Church party of Mexico on spir- 
itual questions. Our disagreement has been wholly with reference 
to temporal affairs, and has not, in any manner, involved the dog- 
mas of the Catholic faith. > 



46 

The Church party has wished, as an association, to rule the 
country for their own advantage. We have sought to establish a 
perfect independence between Church and State, to confine the 
Church to spiritual affairs, and to make it subordinate to the 
State in temporal matters. 

Thus, when we had reason to believe that our long civil wars 
had ended — for we had removed, even to the roots, the sole cause 
of all our past misfortunes — and that we were now about to enjoy 
the blessings of peace — the only thing needed by Mexico to be- 
come a prosperous nation — new misfortunes, new calamities of a 
difi*erent kind suddenly fell upon us. 

The Church party of Mexico, seeing that with their own means 
it was impossible to make any further resistance, or to foment any 
further revolutions, and having in view, as they always have had, 
only their own advantage, regardless of the welfare of the country 
— resolved to send emissaries to Europe for the purpose of inter- 
esting in their behalf some of the principal European governments, 
in order to be by them restored to poAver in Mexico. 

These emissaries represented that the Church party were in 
favor of a conservative government — a monarchical government — 
modelled after the European system ; while the Liberal party were 
in favor of democratic institutions, and sympathized fully with the 
views and principles of the United States. On this point I can- 
not do otherwise than acknoAvledge that the emissaries were right. 
The Liberals of Mexico do believe that if we can succeed in de- 
veloping there, the great principles which have made the United 
States so great and prosperous, Mexico will reach the same end 
by using the same means. 

These emissaries, however, exaggerated the influence of the 
Church party in Mexico. They said the Liberal Government of 
that country was tyrannical, oppressive, and unpopular, and gov- 
erned only by force ; and they even affirmed that the mere moral 
influence of Europe would be sufficient to overthrow it, and re- 
store the Church party to power. They further promised that, 
after overthrowing the Liberal Government, the Church party 
would establish a government which should be entirely under the 
influence of the European nations which would aid them in their 
purpose. 

These false representations of the emissaries led to the allied 
expedition of France, England, and Spain, which, assuming pre- 
texts utterly insufficient and unjust, disembarked at Yera Cruz in 
December, 1861. 



47 

When the English and Spanish generals and commissioners, 
after having resided some time in Mexico, saw that the state of 
things in that country was entirely different from what the Church, 
party emissari'es had represented to their respective governments, 
they decided without hesitation to withdraw, with their forces, 
from the country ; and so clear to them was the deception prac- 
tised upon their governments, that they took the delicate step of 
withdrawing from the alliance, of their own accord, without con- 
sulting with their superiors, and without even waiting for instruc- 
tions from their governments, although acting in an affair so full 
of difficulties and of ulterior complications. 

I have reached, gentlemen, without intending it, the actual situ- 
ation in Mexico ; and under this head I beg to be allowed to say 
a few words more. 

The French army did not retire from Mexico, with the armies 
of England and of Spain ; for the French Government had other 
objects in view, and it was fully determined to accomplish them. 
The Emperor of the French believed at that time, and perhaps he 
still believes, that the United States were permanently divided, 
and that circumstances might take such a shape as to afford him 
the opportunity of acquiring Texas, of recovering Lousiana, and 
of possessing the mouth of the Mississippi. 

To accomplish this end, it was necessary to obtain a foothold 
on this continent, at a point as near the United States as possible, 
and particularly to Louisiana and Texas — a point of departure 
where he could collect securely and conveniently a large army 
and a large naval force, and form a base of supplies. The Empe- 
ror of the French, therefore, directed himself, not so much against 
Mexico as against the United States. How far he has succeeded in 
his plans is now a matter which belongs to history. It is sufficient 
for me to say that, by means of his Mexican expedition, he has 
been able to collect, on the American continent, almost on the 
southern frontier of the United States, a large French army, 
and has sent to the Gulf of Mexico a very considerable French 
squadron, larger than the objects of the expedition warrant, and 
much larger than could have been necessary for any purpose con- 
nected with Mexico — a country that has no navy ; and all this 
has been accomplished — strange to say — without any remon- 
strance, without any protest, and even without any demonstration 
of interest or concern on the part of the United States. 

"What the end of these complications will be, it is very difficult 



48: 

to foretell. So fai" as relates to the occupation of Mexico, I ara 
entirely sure that the Emj^eror of the French will soon be unde- 
ceived, and will learn that he has undertaken more than he can 
accomplish, and that when he sees the complete failure of the 
farce which his agents are now playing in the City of Mexico, he 
will find himself compelled to retire from a country which he has 
so unjustly invaded. With regard to ourselves, therefore, there 
can be only one result that will be verified sooner or later. It 
will inevitably be the triumph of the holy cause of Mexican inde- 
pendence. 

The French will soon fail of even the aid of the Church party. 
That party hoped, and to a certain extent with reason, that when 
the French army should occupy the City of Mexico, the Imperial 
Government would annul the laws of reform issued by the Liberal 
Government of that Republic, and, the first thing, would restore 
to the clergy the property that had been taken from them and na- 
tionalized and sold. But it happened that among the persons who 
had purchased the ecclesiastical property, there were a consider- 
able number of French, subjects, who would be injured by the 
restittxtion of that property ; and this consideration has led the 
French Government, not only not to abrogate the reform laws, 
but to prevent its satellites, who have assumed the name of regency 
in Mexico, from themselves attempting to abrogate them. If, 
then, the French Government should persist in the policy which 
they have commenced to follow, it will not be long before the 
Church party will begin to make as decided opposition to the in- 
tervention, as they did a year ago to the Constitutional Govern- 
ment. 

In conclusion, there is one remark that cannot be withheld. It 
appears to me, gentlemen, that there exists a striking similarity 
between the Church party of Mexico and the pro-slavery party in 
the United States. The Church was there a power stronger than 
the state ; so was slavery in this country. The Church has there 
been the only cause of our civil Avars ; so now is slavery here. 
The Chiu-ch party in Mexico, after being conquered by the people, 
solicited foreign intervention, in order to be reestablished in pow- 
er ; so slavery in this country, as I understand, has sought foreign 
aid even before being conquered by the Government of the United 
States. 



SPEECH 



THE HONORABLE MATIAS ROIEEO, 

ENVOT EXTEAOEDINAEY AND MINISTER PLENIPOTENTIAET OF THE EEPUBLIC 
OF MEXICO TO THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, 

AT A DINNER GIVEN IN HIS HONOR BY DISTINGUISHED CITIZENS OF NEW-YORK, 
ON THE TWENTY-NINTH OP MARCH, 1864. 



Me. Peesident and Geis-tlemei^ : I greatly regret my inabil- 
ity adequately to express my sincere gratitude for the high honor 
with which you have favored my country, and myself personally, 
by making this splendid demonstration of your sympathy with the 
cause of Mexico. It is highly satisfactory to me that so signifi- 
cant an expression has been made, by so many of the eminent and 
distinguished citizens who are the ornament of this great metro- 
polis, and whose virtues, kuow^ledge, and enterprising spirit have 
contributed, in a high degree, to make this city, in a short period, 
the first, not only of the United States, but also of the whole 
American continent, at the same time that this people has be- 
come one of the most powerful, wealthy, and civilized nations on 
the globe. 

Another motive, which greatly increases my satisfaction, and 
for which I beg you to allow me to express my gratitude in the 
name of my country, is the kind and friendly expression by our 
distinguished friend, the President, in proposing a toast to the 
health of Benito Juarez, the Constitutional President of the Re- 
public of Mexico, and the prompt and cordial manner in which you 
received it, showing that you appreciate the exalted qualities of 
that patriot and statesman, and that you sympathize with the 
noble cause which he defends. 

If has been very agreeable to me to have had the opportunity to 
see, with my own eyes, a palpable proof that the eminent French 
statesman, M. Thiers, was somewhat mistaken w^hen recently 
4 



60 

expressing the opinion, in the Legislative Corps of Paris, that, 
in the present circumstances, the United Slates would not oppose 
the French intervention in Mexico. He said that, if France should 
make the Archduke Maximilian pass through this city, on his jour- 
ney to Mexico, he would be very well received. It is almost im- 
possible to conceive a more distinguished, genuine, and complete 
representation of the patriotism, intelligence, and wealth of the 
great city of New-York, the city which leads all the others in the 
Union, than that which I see assembled here to-night; and, if I 
may credit the testimony of my senses, I may venture to say that 
your sympathy, gentlemen, lies in a very different direction from 
that which M. Thiers imagined. 

I feel the greatest pleasure in assuring you that your sympathy 
for us will be abundantly reciprocated in my country, as we are 
animated toward the United States only by sentiments of the 
strongest sympathy, respect, and even admiration ; and we have 
a sincere desire to adopt such a policy toward them as shall daily 
draw together more closely the many bonds which already unite 
the two nations. 

It has sometimes seemed to me that the persons who guided the 
helm of the Government of the United States for a period of thir- 
ty-five years before the year 1861, cared for nothing else so much 
as to acquire territory. They thus made their country appear, 
before the civilized world, as if it represented the career of an 
avaricious rich man, who, without knowing the boundaries of his 
lands, and without first working and improving those which he 
possesses, thinks only of obtaining more, and is always disposed, 
in order to realize his object, to employ all kinds of means, lawful 
or unlawful. 

When the war with Mexico was about to commence, the Gov- 
ernment of the United States had pending with England a ques- 
tion of boundaries, which threatened a rupture between the two 
powers ; and I have been informed that the same documents which 
had been prepared for a declaration of war against Great Britain, 
were used to declare war against Mexico. Thus, while the idea 
of acqiiiring territory by a title which was at least doubtful, was 
abandoned with respect to Great Britain, it was carried into effect 
in relation to Mexico, not only without plausible reason, but even 
in open violation of all the principles of justice. 

I beg you, gentlemen, to excuse me for making reference to a 
somewhat remote period of your history : but my object in doing 



51 

it has been vividly to present to your imagination the idea that 
the odious policy to which I have alluded has been, in a great de- 
gree, the cause of the difficulties and complications in which you 
now see yourselves involved, and of the French intervention, 
against which Mexico is fighting, as that intervention would never 
have been undertaken, if civil war had not been commenced in 
the United States. 

The persons who pursued that policy had for their object, ac- 
cording to my judgment, the increase of their political influence 
and personal aggrandisement rather than the promotion of the 
interests of their country. They were, as you well know, the re- 
presentatives of slavery, and believed, not without foundation, 
that, by extending the area of slavery, they would proportionately 
extend their influence and power. With this motive they did not 
insist on increasing the territory of the United States in the dis- 
tant north-west, where their peculiar institution could not be ac- 
climated ; but they fixed their views on the tropical regions of 
Mexico. 

In this manner they succeeded in obtaining such an increase of 
the institution of slavery, that a short time afterward it found it- 
self strong enough to wage a gigantic war against the Govern- 
ment of the United States. 

I will not conceal from you, gentlemen, the fact that we con- 
templated with the greatest interest and apprehension such an 
aggressive policy, which threatened to deprive us of our independ- 
ence and nationality — the two highest and most precious rights 
which man can enjoy upon earth. We were of course fully deter- 
mined not to lose the dearest inheritance of our fathers, and had 
resolved to fight to the last extremity in defense of so noble a cause. 
In our present war with France we are giving a proof of the sincer- 
ity of our determination. It might have appeared, at the begin- 
ning, as an act of folly for a nation like Mexico, wearied by her 
long conflicts, which had left her exhausted, after a civil war of forty 
years, to accept a mortal contest with the most powerful military 
nation of Europe, which had carried its triumphant arms over all 
that continent ; but there are circumstances in the life of nations 
which should make them forget secondary considerations and de- 
termine them to make the utmost efforts to overcome difficulties 
of all kinds, for the purpose of securing the first condition of their 
social existence — nationality and independence. Besides, our situ- 
ation is not so bad as some might suppose. 



62 

. Fortunately, the change of policy of the United States respect- 
ing Mexico has effected a corresponding change iu the sentiments 
of my countrymen toward your own. We do not wish to have 
interests that may be in antagonism to yours, because our object 
is to be at peace with you ; and that end could hardly be obtained 
if our mutual interests were in opposition. For this reason, among 
other very powerful ones which we had in view, we established a 
republican government and democratic institutions, modelled on 
the same basis as your own. 

The Emperor of the French supposes that the object will be 
gained which he proposed in intervening in the affairs of Mexico, 
namely, to impede the annexation of Mexico to the United States ; 
and yet, however, that very probably would be the final result of 
the establishment in Mexico of a European monarchy. Fortu- 
nately for us, such a jDlan is entirely impracticable. 

My country has been favored with all the blessings of nature. 
Our soil is endowed with an amazing fertility. We can produce, 
in great quantity and of the best quality, the principal articles con- 
sumed in the world — cotton, coffee, tobacco, sugar-cane, wheat, va- 
nilla, maize, and indigo. From our mines has proceeded most of 
the silver coin now circulating in the world, and yet whole mount- 
ains of that precious metal still remain. The same is true of gold, 
and only labor and industry are required to convert them into 
money. The wealth of California is nothing compared with that 
which still remains in Mexico. 

Mexico, therefore, offers the most appropriate field for the en- 
terprises of a commercial nation. Sagacious England perceived 
it some years ago, and, by establishing a line of steamers from 
Southampton to Vera Cruz and Tampico, and by negotiating ad- 
vantageous commercial treaties, has secured a greater part of the 
commerce of Mexico than other foreign nations. France, who 
recently began to observe this, and did not wish to be behind her 
ancient rival, has undertaken an exj)edition which, besides being 
ruinous to her, -^till not effect the object desired, as she has adopt- 
ed the means precisely most appropriate to secure entirely oppo- 
site results. The United States are better situated than any other 
nation to avail themselves of the immense wealth of Mexico. Be- 
ing a nation next our own, they have facilities for carrying on the 
frontier and coastwise commerce, and, being inferior to no other 
people in riches, activity, intelligence, and enterprising spirit, are 
called by nature to develop the great resources of Mexico. 



58 

We are disposed to concede to them all the commercial advan^ 
tages not inconsistent with our independence and sovereignty. 
When this shall have been done, the United States will derive all 
the advantages which they might obtain from the annexation of 
Mexico, without suffering any of the inconveniences which such a 
step would produce. When we shall have arrived at that situa- 
tion, our common political and civil interests will give us a com- 
mon policy, entirely continental and American, which no Euro- 
pean nation will misunderstand with impunity. 

The cheering future which I so clearly see before our two coun- 
tries, had made me for a moment forget the difficulties in which 
both nations are now involved. I consider, in truth, those diffi- 
culties as so transient, that they will have no material effect to 
impede the realization of the destiny which I have described ; but, 
as they possess great interest at the present time, I ask your per- 
mission to make some observations respecting them. 

It cannot have escaped the attention of even the most inatten- 
tive observer, when the expedition against Mexico was organized 
in France, that the United States would find themselves, early or 
late, by choice or by force, implicated in difficulty. As the ob- 
ject of that, movement was nothing less than a direct intervene 
tion in the domestic political affairs of an American nation, with 
the declared intention of subverting her republican institutions, 
and of establishing on its ruins a monarchy, with a European 
prince on the throne — it was an attack on the independence and 
autonomy of American States. The only question which remained 
to be decided by the United States, as well as by the other Ame- 
rican republics threatened, was that relating" to the time when 
they would be disposed, frankly and decidedly, to take up the 
gauntlet which had been thrown down to them. 

The United States could in no way be indifferent on this ques- 
tion : as a person who sees the house of a neighbor enveloped in 
flames by an incendiary, cannot remain an indifferent spectator, 
when his family and all his fortune are in his dwelling, and he has 
storehouses filled with combustibles. The only alternative which 
could remain would be to decide whether it were better for his 
interests to assist his neighbor at first, and with the same effort 
and resolution as if his own house had been attacked by the 
destructive element, or to remain inactive until the incendiary 
should have succeeded in converting the neighbor's property into 
a conflagration, and keep his own out of danger until the flames 



54 

should begin to reach it. Such, in my opinion, is the situation in 
which the United States are placed, with respect to the European 
intervention in Mexico. Having in view the acknowledged saga- 
city of American statesmen, the well-known attachment of the 
American people to republican institutions, and the patriotism and 
zeal of the administration which directs the destinies of this coun- 
try, I cannot for a moment indulge a single doubt that the United 
States will act, in this emergency, in the manner most appropriate 
to the great interests which they have, in common with the hu- 
man race in general, in the solution of the Mexican question. 

In the mean time, I believe it would be proper to dissipate 
the delusion which prevails in Europe, that the United States not 
only are not opposed to the establishment of a monarchy in Mexico 
by the French array, but that they even rejoice at it. The French 
Government have taken great pains to propagate such a delusion 
on the other side of the ocean, and have met with more success 
than could have been expected, considering the absurdity of such 
an idea. The war against Mexico would be ten times more un- 
popular in France than it is — indeed the French Government would 
find itself entirely imable to carry it on — if the French people 
should once become convinced that the people of the United States 
will never tolerate it, and much less consent to or favor the estab- 
lishment, by force of arms, of a European monarchy over a sister 
and neighbor Republic. The French people, whatever may be 
the sentiments of their government, are friendly to the United 
States. Inveterate traditions, the common law of liberty, and the 
absence of opposing interests, are the foundations of this friend- 
ship. They would, therefore, oppose the undertaking of any thing 
which, without proving a positive benefit, might, sooner or later, 
be disastrous to France, whatever might be its power or influence 
in the politics of the continental nations of Europe, when con- 
vinced that in it she would have every thing to lose and nothing 
to gain. 

The United States will find themselves implicated in the Mexi- 
can question much sooner than they have thought, if the news is 
confirmed which has lately reached us of the understanding exist- 
ing between the Archduke Maximilian and the insurgents in this 
country. It is assei'ted that the Archduke will inaugurate his 
administration in Mexico by recognizing the independence of the 
South, and perhaps by going even further : and all this, of course, 
with the counsel, knowledge, and support of the French Govern- 



65 

ment, whose agent, and nothing more, the Archduke will be in 
Mexico. 

The official and officious journals of Paris assure us that the 
Archduke Maximilian will soon set out for Mexico. All present 
appearances seem to indicate that he will be disposed to change the 
high position which he holds in Europe, for the very adventurous 
one which he would have in Mexico. He could not remain there 
unless sustained by the French army ; and therefore he could not 
be any thing but a reflection, an instrument of the Empoj'or of 
the French, without a will of his own or independence of action. 
If at any time he should happen to have a plan or a wish difierent 
from those of the French Government, or even from the French 
General-in-Chief of the army of occupation, he would have to sub- 
mit to the humiliating position of abstaining from doing what he 
might wish or think best in the country of which he would call 
himself the Emperor. As for what relates to ourselves, the per- 
sonality of the Archduke is of no importance to us whatever. If 
he should proceed to Mexico, and mingle in our interior afiairs, 
we should regard him as a pernicious stranger, as an enemy of 
our repose, and should treat him accordingly. We believe that 
his coming or not coming to Mexico will have no influence in solv- 
ing the Mexican political question which is now agitated in that 
Republic, a solution which can be no other than the triumph and 
maintenance of republican institutions on this continent. For 
what relates to myself, I should prefer that the European vision- 
aries might have a complete opportunity to see how unrealizable 
are their dreams in America. 

What is now passing in America has not surprised those who 
have any knowledge of our afiairs. It is true that we have been 
very unfortunate during the last year : the fortune of arms has 
been adverse to us in all the battles which we have had with our 
enemies. During that period they have occupied a part of our 
territory, and some of our principal cities, and have blockaded 
our ports ; but all those advantages are not to be compared with 
the elements which still remain in the hands of the National Gov- 
ernment. A people of eight millions, decidedly opposed to the 
intervention, and resolved to fight to the last extremity in defence 
of their independence ; a country which could raise an army of half 
a million of soldiers, with natural defences, difficult passes, impass- 
able routes, inaccessible mountains, where the patriots could per- 
petually make war against the invader until he should be per- 



56 

suaded of the impossibility of making the conquest, in the midst 
of the nineteenth century, or find himself obliged to retire, by the 
multitude of occurrences which may take place, and which it is 
very probable may occur soon ; and all this in case we might be 
able to do nothing more than oppose a passive resistance, which 
is very fur from being the fact, because our situation would allow 
us to do something more effective. 

Among the many events which would put an immediate termi- 
nation to the French intervention in Mexico, the European com- 
plications deserve to be mentioned in an especial manner, which 
threaten to produce a general war on that continent. It is cer- 
tainly surprising that, while Europe is in a situation so insecure 
and agitated, when a revolution threatens to break out in all parts 
of that continent, when the nationalities are striving to recover 
their own independent existence, the Emperor of the French is 
thinking of arranging the business of other people, as if his own 
did not require his principal and immediate attention. 

The only formal support which the French intervention has had 
among the Mexicans, was that given it by the Church party, as you 
call it, which converted itself into a traitor to the country, with 
the hope of promoting its personal interests. The generals of the 
Church part)'^ have been under the orders of the French army, 
subjecting Mexican citizens to a conscription, to oblige them to 
fight by the side of the foreign invader, against their brothers and 
against the independence of their country. The Church party 
hoped, of course, as a very small retribution for its services, that, 
as soon as the French should occupy the City of Mexico, they 
would annul the national laws which confiscated the estates of 
the clergy. But France, who knew that the ecclesiastical party 
of Mexico is very weak, and who saw that it had no hope of sub- 
duing the country with it, desiring to conciliate the Liberal party, 
which is the national party of Mexico, determined to sustain and 
fulfil all the principal laws emanating from the Liberal party ; 
and, Avhen these were confirmed, raised a cry which served as a 
pretext for the intervention. Fortunately, gentlemen, the Liber- 
als of Mexico are patriots, instead of partisans. The new policy 
of the French Government, which was nothing but the pay 
given to the traitors, and which they well deserved, so offended 
the Church party, that it made them separate themselves from the 
Fi-ench. The Archbishop of Mexico, who was a member of the 
so-called Regency, deserted them in fact, and was soon after dis- 



67 

missed by General Bazaine. The so-called Supreme Tribunal of 
the Empire, also a creature of the French, protested against those 
measures, and suffered the same fate as the Archbishop ; and all 
the archbishops and bishops of the Republic signed a protest, in 
which they declared that the condition of the Church is now much 
worse than it was under the dominion of the Liberal government ; 
that now they are not permitted to publish even their pastorals 
to their people; and they conclude by excommunicating the 
French Government, the French army in Mexico, all Mexicans 
who have taken part with the French, and all who, in any man- 
ner, support them. These events have left the French interven- 
tion without the aid of the only, and the very small, part of the 
population of Mexico which ever was in their favor, and have 
combined against it all the enemies of the country, 

I fear I have abused the kindness with which you have-listened 
to me ; and I think it time to conclude : but I beg you to allow 
me to express my ardent and sincere desire that this demonstra- 
tion may be the beginning of a new era of perpetual peace and 
cordiality in the relations between Mexico and the United States. 
5 



68 



List of Exiled Mexican Citizens composing the Mexican Club of N. Y. 

Ygnacio Mejia, Brigadier-General, ex-Governor and Military Command- 
ant of Puebla de Zaragoza, a prisoner, deported. 

Carlos Noriega, Commandant of Cavalry, a prisoner, deported. 

Benito Quijano, Jr., Commandant of Cavalry, a prisoner, deported. 

CiPRiANo Robert, Deputy in the Congress of the Union, Secretary of 
the Club. 

Francisco Elorriaga, Private Ex-Secretary of the President of the 
Mexican Republic. 

Ygnacio Mariscal, Secretary of the Mexican Legation in the United 
States of America, ex-Deputy, ex-Chief Official of the Ministrj'^ of Foreign 
Relations, and Minister of the Supreme Court of Justice. 

EsTEVAN Benites, ColoHcl, cx-Secrctary of the Governor of the State of 
Tamaulipas. 

Manuel Armendares, Commandant. 

Bernabe de la Barra, Colonel, and Chief Official of the Ministry of War. 

Juan Jose Baz, Deputy and ex-Governor of the Federal District. 

Jesus Fuentes y Munez, Secretary of the Academy of Fine Arts of the 
City of Mexico and Surveyor. 

Santiago Vicario, ex-Deputy to the Legislature of the State of Puebla 
de Zaragoza. 

Manuel Meza, Commandant of Infantry. 

Francisco Zarco, ex-Minister of Relations, Deputy to the Congress of 
the Union aud public writer. 

Manuel Balbontin, Colonel of Artillery. 

Juan N. Navarro, Consul-General of Mexico in the United States, ex- 
Deputy, Professor in the School of Medicine, Director of the Military Hos- 
pitals in Puebla de Zaragoza during the siege. 

Mariano Zavala, ex-Deputy, Judge of the District of Mexico and of the 
State of Tamaulipas. 

Jose Rivera y Rio, Poet, Author, Colonel, Deputy, and prisoner at 
Puebla. 

Matias Romero, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to 
the United States. 

Benito Quijano, Deputy to the Congress of the Union, Governor and 
Military Commandant of the State of Yucatan, ex-Governor of the State 
of Vera Cruz, and General of Division. Died in New York while President 
of the Mexican Club. 

Felipe de Berriozabal, General of Division, Constitutional Governor of 
the State of Mexico, Deputy, ex-Minister of War, ex-Governor and Military 
Commandant of the State of Michoacan ; prisoner at Puebla. 

Pedro Ogazon, Brigadier-General, Minister of the Supreme Court of 
Justice, and Constitutional Governor of the State of Jalisco. 



59 

Pedro Santacilia, Deputy, ex-Private Secretary of the President of the 
Republic, Editor. 

Jose A. Godoy, Mexican Consul at San Francisco, Editor. 

Manuel Doblado, General of Division, Constitutional Governor of the 
State of Guanajuato, ex-Minister of Relations. 

Pkisiliano Flores, Colonel, prisoner, deported to France. 

Luis Barjan, Commandant. 

WiNCESLAO Yberri, Commandant. 

Juan A. Zambrano, ex-Treasurer-General of the Republic, ex-Chief Offi- 
cial of the Ministry of the Treasury, and Inspector of the Custom-Houses 
of the "Bravo." 

Angel Navarro, Clerk of the Treasury ; died in New- York. 

Francisco Macin, Officer of the Mexican Legation in Washington. 

Juan M. Zambrano, Clerk of the Treasury. 

Mariano Escovedo, Brigadier- General, Governor and Military Command- 
ant of the State of Nuevo Leon ; prisoner at Puebla. 

Jose MarIa Carvajal, Professor of Languages. 

Federico Millan, Colonel. 

Justiniano Subiria, Commandant. 

Manuel Saavedra, Deputy and Minister of the Supreme Court of 
Justice. 

Francisco Guliasa. 

Manuel Travesi, Commandant; prisoner, deported. 

Juan Urbina, do. do. 

Joaquin Villalobos, Editor. 

Celzo Segura, Commandant ; prisoner, deported. 

Juan N. Enriquez Orestes, Presbyter ; prisoner at San Lorenzo. 

Juan Francisco Dominguez, Presbyter. 

Jacobo Rivera, Secretary of the District, Judge of Tamaulipas. 

Juan Keats, Lieutenant-Colonel ; prisoner at Oajaca. 

Jesus Gonzalez Ortega, President of the Supreme Court of Justice, 
Constitutional Governor of the State of Zacatecas, General of Division, ex- 
Minister of War, and Commander-in-Chief of the Corps of the Army of 
the East. 

Juan Fogno, Commandant ; prisoner at Puebla. 

ToMAS Lopez, Commandant, prisoner, deported. 

Estevan Gonzalez, Lieutenant ; prisoner, deported. 

Pantaleon Tovar, Deputy and Editor. 

Eduardo Arrioja, Lieutenant. 

Aureliano Rivera, Brigadier-General, and Governor of the Federal Dis- 
trict. 

Luis Legorreta, Colonel ; deported. 

Joaquin G. Ortega, Colonel ; prisoner at Puebla. 

Agustin Alcerreca, Colonel ; prisoner, deported. 

Francisco Venegas, Colonel. 



60 

Epitacio Huerta, Brigadier-General, Constitutional Governor of Michoa- 
can ; prisoner at Puebla, deported to France. 

Rafael Huerta, Commandant; prisoner, deported. 

Jose Rivera, Colonel, ex-Governor, and Military Commandant of the 
State "or^S^ianajuato. 

Pedro Rincon, Colonel, and prisoner, deported. 

Hercules Strioti, Colonel, and prisoner, deported. 

Jose Mauia MuRoz, Captain ; prisoner in Yucatan, deported. 

EuLALio Degollado, Jr., Member of the Municipality of the city of San 
Luis Potosi. 

Francisco Ibarra, Constitutional Governor of the State of Puebla, and 
member of Congress. 

(Signed) CIPRIANO ROBERT, 

Secretary of the Mexican Club. 

New-York, August 16, 1865. 



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